WASHINGTON, D.C. – China is investing billions each year to influence media and education in the United States, according to findings from the U.S. State Department and independent researchers.
The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is driving this investment to share pro-China perspectives, quietly opposing opinions, and secure influence within American institutions. While these efforts have produced mixed outcomes, the size and intent of China’s campaign raise real concerns about the integrity of American information sources and the independence of its universities.
China has worked for years to guide public opinion beyond its borders, but these activities have grown under President Xi Jinping. Since 2013, Xi has pushed for efforts to “tell China’s story well” by using state-funded media and related organizations to push Beijing’s message.
The U.S. State Department’s Global Engagement Center (GEC) estimated in 2023 that China spends billions annually on efforts to shape foreign information, using tactics like state-sponsored propaganda, misleading content, and censorship to protect its interests. In the United States, media organizations and academic institutions are the two main targets.
According to the GEC, China uses five main tactics: spreading propaganda, censoring opposition, promoting its model of digital control, building global partnerships, and controlling Chinese-language media.
The goal is to fill the information space with narratives that support Beijing while pushing aside critical views. In the U.S., this means working to shape public debate, gently sway policy makers, and limit criticism of China’s actions, including human rights issues in Xinjiang and territorial claims in the South China Sea.
How China Works with Media: Buying Space, Blocking Critics
China’s spending in American media is one of the most noticeable parts of this campaign. Filings under the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA) reveal that from 2019 to 2021, the government-run China Daily paid over $7 million for ad space in top U.S. newspapers, including The Wall Street Journal and The New York Times.
These ads, labelled “China Watch”, are made to look like news, giving Beijing’s message an appearance of legitimacy. However, as these practices draw public criticism and stricter rules, many outlets have cut back or ended these deals.
China has also tried to buy shares in foreign media firms and sign sharing agreements. The GEC found that state-run China Central Television (CCTV) offers free video content to over 1,700 news agencies outside China.
These materials are often reused without credit, allowing state-approved content to shape news in other countries subtly. In parts of Africa, China’s StarTimes company controls access to digital TV and often drops Western news outlets from the channel list, a move that could spread elsewhere.
Social media is another focus. The GEC identified about 100 influencers who spread Chinese government messages in over 20 languages, to a combined audience of over 11 million. Many of these are not linked to China and post regularly on platforms like YouTube and Twitter.
In addition, WeChat, which has millions of users outside China, has become a tool to target Chinese-speaking communities in the U.S. with political messaging, especially during tense times like the Hong Kong protests in 2019. Analysis by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute shows that WeChat monitors messages for sensitive words, even among users in free societies.
China’s strategy has at times involved pressure and threats. The GEC documented cases where U.S. media have been discouraged from covering topics Beijing sees as sensitive. For instance, when an ESPN executive voiced support for pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong in 2019, the company faced challenges with its business in China, followed by an internal warning to avoid political commentary.
LinkedIn has also blocked U.S.-based journalists in China over restricted topics, suggesting some companies hesitate to risk their business in China by allowing open discussion. These incidents show how China can use its economic connections to shape what is reported or discussed.
Academic Influence
China’s reach into U.S. universities has also raised flags. There have been reports online claiming China has spent up to $57 billion on American research institutions, but there is little direct evidence to support these figures.
More reliable sources, such as Freedom House, say China has used Confucius Institutes and other funding to tilt discussion within universities toward government-approved topics. These Confucius Institutes have faced criticism for repeating official narratives and steering away from issues like Taiwan or Tibet.
This pressure has led to the closure of many of these centres in the U.S. and other Western countries.
Outside these programs, China has also offered grants and other financial support in hopes of accessing research and technology. The U.S. Justice Department’s China Initiative, now discontinued, tried to address such risks but drew backlash for unfairly targeting Chinese-American academics. Still, concerns about spying and improper influence remain, especially in key technology fields like artificial intelligence and computer chips.
Even with its large investments, China’s influence isn’t winning over everyone. Freedom House’s 2022 report points out that platforms like China Global Television Network and China Radio International fail to draw much interest, with audiences often finding their news flat and unoriginal.
Around the world, state-owned Chinese media face bans and greater checks, limiting their impact. High-profile incidents, like the widespread closure of Confucius Institutes and awkward attempts at spreading state-friendly stories, have led to backlash. U.S. lawmakers and tech companies are becoming more skilled at spotting and blocking these moves.
The GEC received a funding increase of over $150 million from Congress, helping efforts to fight foreign misinformation. Major tech companies such as Google and Meta are now better at marking state-backed media and removing questionable content. But China’s tactics keep changing, and many expect it may use artificial intelligence to make its efforts harder to detect in the future.
What’s at Stake for Security and the Economy
China’s influence threatens both U.S. security and the economy. By steering narratives, China looks to blunt criticism of its actions and gain ground in key industries. The GEC warns that unchecked, these activities could hurt free speech and nudge decision-making in ways that help Beijing.
China’s role in supplying telecommunications gear, particularly through Huawei, has led to U.S. bans because of concerns over data security and surveillance.
China’s broader aim is to catch up with, or overtake, American leadership in technology sectors like artificial intelligence and microchips. A 2025 article in The New York Times highlights China’s ambition in these fields, with $150 billion in government support for semiconductors alone. Paired with influence operations, these investments could challenge America’s role as a tech leader and economic powerhouse.
As tensions between the U.S. and China keep rising, Beijing will likely step up these efforts. The American response requires careful action: improving defences against foreign interference while protecting academic openness and avoiding unfair treatment of Chinese-American groups. Greater transparency, such as tighter enforcement of FARA, along with public awareness, can help reduce China’s footprint in the media. In education, keeping research open but secure is essential.
China’s huge spending on influence is part of a larger strategy to shift the global balance. While not always successful, the size of these operations means they can’t be ignored. As one State Department official put it, China could shape the basic information people rely on if left unchecked. The U.S. will need both defensive steps and strong support for its core democratic values to respond.
For more details on China’s influence activities, readers can visit the U.S. State Department’s Global Engagement Center at state.gov or see Freedom House’s 2022 report at freedomhouse.org.
