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VinFast Advances Ecosystem and EV Strategies in Philippines

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VinFast Advances Ecosystem Strategy in Philippines

MANILA– The Philippines is looking to step up in Southeast Asia’s electric vehicle market after selling nearly 19,000 electric cars in 2024. Companies like VinFast are working to solve key problems like charging station access, reliable maintenance, and keeping costs down for buyers.

Vietnam is ahead in the region, selling almost 90,000 electric vehicles in 2024, which makes up about 18 per cent of their total car market. Thailand follows with just over 70,000 EVs sold, or 13 per cent of their car sales. Indonesia saw 49,200 EVs sold for more than 7 per cent of national sales.

The Philippines is behind its neighbours with fewer than 19,000 electric vehicles sold last year. These made up only about 4 per cent of total new car purchases.

The country has a chance to narrow this gap if everyone involved, especially major automakers like VinFast, works together. VinFast’s approach brings a full ecosystem that goes beyond just selling cars, aiming to solve the biggest concerns buyers have.

Regional Strategies Heat Up

Thailand is pushing hard with tax breaks and a goal to make 30 per cent of its vehicles electric by 2030. Indonesia is using its large nickel reserves to draw in battery makers. Vietnam is using VinFast as a springboard for export growth.

The Philippines isn’t standing by. The Electric Vehicle Industry Development Act (EVIDA) from 2022 outlines steps for boosting EV use. These include lower import duties, reserved parking for EVs, and a rule that at least 5 per cent of big fleets must be electric. But the plan doesn’t offer many perks for suppliers or makers, so the rise in EV sales is slow, and the share of new EVs in sales is low.

Relying on imported oil puts extra strain on the economy. MUFG says each $10 increase in oil prices could widen the country’s current-account gap from 3.5 per cent to over 4.5 per cent of GDP, mostly due to more spending on fuel.

The Philippines has also committed to cutting greenhouse gas emissions by up to 75 percent by 2030 under the Paris Agreement. Electric vehicles play a big part in reaching that goal. But for this to work, drivers need affordable and easy-to-maintain zero-emission vehicles. It also takes a network of partners providing charging stations, service centers, and information, not just the cars themselves.

VinFast’s Full-Ecosystem Plan

VinFast’s cars are already on local roads. In July 2024, it opened its first three showrooms in the country. Less than a year later, VinFast became a full member of CAMPI, joining other car makers in local policy talks.

VinFast’s “For a Green Future” plan aims to build a strong support network. It’s teaming up with local dealers to open over 60 new showrooms by year-end. It’s also working with service providers like Goodyear and Tire King, planning to have more than 100 authorised repair shops across the country by 2025. This makes maintenance easier and addresses common worries about where to get an EV fixed.

VinFast kicked off a free charging program with its new VF 6 subcompact model, offering free charging at its network until May 1, 2027. The network, managed by V-GREEN, is set to add 15,000 charging ports across the Philippines in 2025.

The company’s plan tackles three big hurdles: charging access, maintenance, and up-front cost. VinFast eases range worries with more charging stations, covers service through a wide network, and helps on price with a buyback program offering up to 90 percent of the car’s original cost.

Even without a local factory, VinFast’s ecosystem creates jobs in sales, repairs, tech, and charging infrastructure, helping with EVIDA’s targets, cutting city pollution, and reducing oil use.

One challenge is that many people just don’t know what it’s like to own or drive an EV, which is often the biggest barrier. A study from the US found that once people try EVs, their concerns about range, cost, and charging all drop.

To close this gap, VinFast is teaming up with B2B partners and mobility services to make EVs more visible. Green GSM, the country’s first all-electric taxi service, launched on June 10, 2025, running a fleet of VinFast vehicles.

By riding with Green GSM drivers, commuters get firsthand experience with EVs. Conversations with drivers help clear up common questions, show what it’s like to drive electric, and highlight the benefits. This exposure could make more people comfortable with the idea of switching to an EV.

The Philippines may not have its electric vehicle factory yet, but VinFast’s full-ecosystem strategy gives the country a real shot at catching up with its neighbours and moving ahead in the fast-growing Southeast Asian EV market.

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China’s Military Breakthrough Claims Face Fresh Doubt as Top Scientists Disappear

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China's Military Breakthrough Claims Face Fresh Doubt as Top Scientists Disappear Xi Jinping's low-key purge of leading defense experts is raising new questions about Beijing's military technology Byline: International Defense Desk Date: March 23, 2026 A quiet but striking shake-up is rippling through China's defense establishment. Some of the country's top weapons scientists are disappearing from public view. The chief designer of the J-20 stealth fighter is gone from official records. So are senior figures tied to nuclear weapons, radar systems, and missile development. This looks like much more than a routine personnel change. The removals came soon after Chinese-made military systems reportedly failed badly in combat in Iran and Venezuela. For years, Beijing promoted major advances in stealth aircraft, hypersonic weapons, and anti-stealth radar. Now those claims are under heavier scrutiny. The key issue is no longer just corruption. It's whether some of China's most celebrated defense programs performed far below what officials promised. Leading Scientists Are Vanishing From Public Records The latest wave of removals surfaced in mid-March 2026. Profiles of senior experts suddenly disappeared from the websites of China's top scientific bodies, the Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS) and the Chinese Academy of Engineering (CAE). The most eye-catching case is Yang Wei, the 62-year-old chief designer of the J-20 "Mighty Dragon," China's flagship fifth-generation stealth fighter. His name and biography vanished from the CAS website on March 17. Yang had already been absent from public events for more than a year. He played a central role in the J-20 program, helped work on the J-10 fighter, and later became vice president of the Aviation Industry Corporation of China (AVIC). Soon after, three more major names disappeared from the CAE roster: * Zhao Xiangeng, 72, a former CAE vice president and a leading expert in China's nuclear weapons program * Wu Manqing, 60, a radar specialist and head of China Electronics Technology Group Corporation (CETC), which developed systems such as the JY-27A anti-stealth radar * Wei Yiyin, 63, a chief designer tied to advanced surface-to-air missile systems sold abroad Chinese media reports say at least 10 academicians have been removed since the 2022 Party Congress. Officials have offered no public explanation. There have been no clear statements, no formal notices, only silent deletion from state-run records. Key figures reportedly removed include: * The chief designer of the J-20 stealth fighter * A senior leader in the nuclear weapons program * A top radar technology official * A leading missile systems designer Xi Jinping has carried out major purges before. The People's Liberation Army Rocket Force lost senior generals in corruption cases in 2023 and 2024. Still, going after the scientists behind the weapons themselves marks a more serious and unsettling step. Combat Setbacks in Iran and Venezuela Deepened the Pressure The timing has drawn intense attention because these removals followed reported battlefield failures involving Chinese-made systems. In January 2026, during Operation Absolute Resolve in Venezuela, Chinese JY-27A anti-stealth radars reportedly failed to detect incoming U.S. aircraft. These radars had been advertised as capable of tracking stealth fighters such as the F-35 and F-22 from long range. Yet reports say more than 150 aircraft entered Venezuelan airspace without being stopped. Chinese HQ-9B air defense systems launched missiles but failed to score hits. The operation ended with President Maduro's capture, a major embarrassment for governments that had trusted Chinese military exports. Then came the strikes on Iran in early March 2026 during Operation Epic Fury. U.S. and Israeli forces hit high-level targets despite multiple layers of Chinese-made air defenses. Iranian leaders, including Khamenei, and many senior officers were reportedly killed. Western analysts said the Chinese systems performed so poorly that they were effectively useless under combat pressure. Even some Chinese state media voices offered muted criticism of their performance. Earlier setbacks in Pakistan added to the damage. Reports there also suggested that Chinese HQ-9B defenses could not stop advanced strike packages. As a result, systems once presented as strong alternatives to Western weapons began to look far less convincing. These were not training drills or ceremonial displays. They were real operations. They came one after another, and they exposed weaknesses that had been easy to overlook on paper. Because of that, defense analysts now question whether China's military advances were overstated from the start. Did Beijing Oversell Its Military Technology? China has spent huge sums on military modernization. State media said the J-20 could compete directly with the U.S. F-35. Officials praised hypersonic missiles as threats to American carriers. Anti-stealth radars were supposed to cancel out the advantage of stealth aircraft. Nuclear programs were presented as a stronger shield against outside pressure. Now the purge hints at deeper trouble. Corruption remains one possible reason. Xi's anti-corruption campaign has already brought down defense ministers and Rocket Force leaders. Some scientists may have diverted research funds or approved weak programs. There are also reports suggesting false test data or heavy reliance on foreign technology that did not deliver the promised results. Still, the problem may run deeper than graft. China's defense sector depends heavily on large state-owned firms such as AVIC and CETC. In that system, political loyalty can carry as much weight as engineering results. Controlled testing can hide flaws for years. Combat does not. Once these systems face jamming, saturation attacks, and full operational stress, design gaps become harder to hide. One Chinese military commentator reportedly called the Iran result a national humiliation. Another pointed out that radar detection itself broke down under U.S. electronic warfare pressure. Western officials have been blunt. One U.S. defense source, speaking anonymously, said China's systems often look strong in brochures and military parades, but collapse when faced with stealth aircraft and precision strikes. The sequence has fueled suspicion. Yang Wei's profile disappeared only days after the Iran strikes. Other experts in missile and nuclear fields vanished around the same time. To many observers, Beijing appears to be looking for people to blame, or trying to silence those who know how the systems actually performed. The Purge Fits Xi Jinping's Wider Style of Control This campaign matches Xi's broader approach to power. Since taking office, he has pushed for total loyalty across the military and state system. His message has been clear, no one is untouchable. Removing names from academy websites follows a familiar pattern in China. It often signals disgrace before any formal charges appear. Families say little. Colleagues stay quiet. In some cases, others linked to the same projects also disappear from view. One report even claimed Yang Wei faced execution after a J-20 test flight went badly in front of Xi, though no major outlet has confirmed that account. What stands out is the pattern. Since 2022, at least 10 senior academicians have reportedly been removed. Many come from the same sectors China has used to promote its military rise: * Stealth aircraft * Nuclear deterrence * Advanced radar systems * Missile defense That focus does not look random. It looks targeted. Global Buyers Are Reassessing Chinese Weapons The fallout goes well beyond China's borders. Countries that bought Chinese systems, including Pakistan, Iran, and Venezuela, now have reason to review those purchases. Other states that were considering the HQ-9B or related systems may start looking elsewhere, including Russia or Western suppliers. For the United States and its allies, the recent combat results support a point they have made for years. Western stealth aircraft, electronic warfare, and integrated strike systems still hold a strong edge. The gap with China may not be shrinking. It may be growing. At the same time, Beijing has not changed its public message. State media still praises the J-20 and other headline weapons. Military displays continue. Official rhetoric remains confident. Yet behind the scenes, the disappearance of top scientists points to anxiety inside the system. What Comes Next, More Purges or Real Change? It is still unclear how far this campaign will go. Xi now holds more power than any Chinese leader in years. He could replace removed experts with more politically reliable figures, even if that weakens technical standards. There is another possibility. The shock of recent failures could force a hard reset. China might invest more in realistic testing, better system integration, and tighter oversight of defense spending. For now, the signs point to damage control, not open reform. Scientists are disappearing. Doubts about China's military technology are spreading. And the country's image as a rising defense powerhouse is starting to crack under the weight of real combat results. The J-20 was meant to reshape air warfare. Its chief designer has now been erased from official records. Experts tied to China's nuclear deterrent are gone. Leading figures in radar and missile programs have disappeared as well. This is not a simple reshuffle. It is a serious test of China's military credibility. As one analyst put it, when a country's top scientists vanish right after its top weapons fail, the issue may be much bigger than corruption. It may signal the collapse of a carefully built myth.

BEIJING – A quiet but striking shake-up is rippling through China’s defense establishment. Some of the country’s top weapons scientists are disappearing from public view. The chief designer of the J-20 stealth fighter is gone from official records. So are senior figures tied to nuclear weapons, radar systems, and missile development.

This looks like much more than a routine personnel change. The removals came soon after Chinese-made military systems reportedly failed badly in combat in Iran and Venezuela.

For years, Beijing promoted major advances in stealth aircraft, hypersonic weapons, and anti-stealth radar. Now those claims are under heavier scrutiny. The key issue is no longer just corruption. It’s whether some of China’s most celebrated defense programs performed far below what officials promised.

Leading Scientists in China Are Vanishing

The latest wave of removals surfaced in mid-March 2026. Profiles of senior experts suddenly disappeared from the websites of China’s top scientific bodies, the Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS) and the Chinese Academy of Engineering (CAE).

The most eye-catching case is Yang Wei, the 62-year-old chief designer of the J-20 “Mighty Dragon,” China’s flagship fifth-generation stealth fighter. His name and biography vanished from the CAS website on March 17. Yang had already been absent from public events for more than a year. He played a central role in the J-20 program, helped work on the J-10 fighter, and later became vice president of the Aviation Industry Corporation of China (AVIC).

Soon after, three more major names disappeared from the CAE roster:

  • Zhao Xiangeng, 72, a former CAE vice president and a leading expert in China’s nuclear weapons program
  • Wu Manqing, 60, a radar specialist and head of China Electronics Technology Group Corporation (CETC), which developed systems such as the JY-27A anti-stealth radar
  • Wei Yiyin, 63, a chief designer tied to advanced surface-to-air missile systems sold abroad

Chinese media reports say at least 10 academicians have been removed since the 2022 Party Congress. Officials have offered no public explanation. There have been no clear statements, no formal notices, only silent deletion from state-run records.

Key figures reportedly removed include:

  • The chief designer of the J-20 stealth fighter
  • A senior leader in the nuclear weapons program
  • A top radar technology official
  • A leading missile systems designer

Xi Jinping has carried out major purges before. The People’s Liberation Army Rocket Force lost senior generals in corruption cases in 2023 and 2024. Still, going after the scientists behind the weapons themselves marks a more serious and unsettling step.

Combat Setbacks in Iran and Venezuela Deepened the Pressure

The timing has drawn intense attention because these removals followed reported battlefield failures involving Chinese-made systems.

In January 2026, during Operation Absolute Resolve in Venezuela, Chinese JY-27A anti-stealth radars reportedly failed to detect incoming U.S. aircraft. These radars had been advertised as capable of tracking stealth fighters such as the F-35 and F-22 from long range. Yet reports say more than 150 aircraft entered Venezuelan airspace without being stopped. Chinese HQ-9B air defense systems launched missiles but failed to score hits. The operation ended with President Maduro’s capture, a major embarrassment for governments that had trusted Chinese military exports.

Then came the strikes on Iran in early March 2026 during Operation Epic Fury. U.S. and Israeli forces hit high-level targets despite multiple layers of Chinese-made air defenses. Iranian leaders, including Khamenei, and many senior officers were reportedly killed. Western analysts said the Chinese systems performed so poorly that they were effectively useless under combat pressure. Even some Chinese state media voices offered muted criticism of their performance.

Earlier setbacks in Pakistan added to the damage. Reports there also suggested that Chinese HQ-9B defenses could not stop advanced strike packages. As a result, systems once presented as strong alternatives to Western weapons began to look far less convincing.

These were not training drills or ceremonial displays. They were real operations. They came one after another, and they exposed weaknesses that had been easy to overlook on paper.

Because of that, defense analysts now question whether China’s military advances were overstated from the start.

Did Beijing Oversell Its Military Technology?

China has spent huge sums on military modernization. State media said the J-20 could compete directly with the U.S. F-35. Officials praised hypersonic missiles as threats to American carriers. Anti-stealth radars were supposed to cancel out the advantage of stealth aircraft. Nuclear programs were presented as a stronger shield against outside pressure.

Now the purge hints at deeper trouble.

Corruption remains one possible reason. Xi’s anti-corruption campaign has already brought down defense ministers and Rocket Force leaders. Some scientists may have diverted research funds or approved weak programs. There are also reports suggesting false test data or heavy reliance on foreign technology that did not deliver the promised results.

Still, the problem may run deeper than graft. China’s defense sector depends heavily on large state-owned firms such as AVIC and CETC. In that system, political loyalty can carry as much weight as engineering results. Controlled testing can hide flaws for years. Combat does not. Once these systems face jamming, saturation attacks, and full operational stress, design gaps become harder to hide.

One Chinese military commentator reportedly called the Iran result a national humiliation. Another pointed out that radar detection itself broke down under U.S. electronic warfare pressure.

Western officials have been blunt. One U.S. defense source, speaking anonymously, said China’s systems often look strong in brochures and military parades, but collapse when faced with stealth aircraft and precision strikes.

The sequence has fueled suspicion. Yang Wei’s profile disappeared only days after the Iran strikes. Other experts in missile and nuclear fields vanished around the same time. To many observers, Beijing appears to be looking for people to blame, or trying to silence those who know how the systems actually performed.

The Purge Fits Xi Jinping’s Wider Style of Control

This campaign matches Xi’s broader approach to power. Since taking office, he has pushed for total loyalty across the military and state system. His message has been clear, no one is untouchable.

Removing names from academy websites follows a familiar pattern in China. It often signals disgrace before any formal charges appear. Families say little. Colleagues stay quiet. In some cases, others linked to the same projects also disappear from view. One report even claimed Yang Wei faced execution after a J-20 test flight went badly in front of Xi, though no major outlet has confirmed that account.

What stands out is the pattern. Since 2022, at least 10 senior academicians have reportedly been removed. Many come from the same sectors China has used to promote its military rise:

  • Stealth aircraft
  • Nuclear deterrence
  • Advanced radar systems
  • Missile defense

That focus does not look random. It looks targeted.

Global Buyers Are Reassessing Chinese Weapons

The fallout goes well beyond China’s borders.

Countries that bought Chinese systems, including Pakistan, Iran, and Venezuela, now have reason to review those purchases. Other states that were considering the HQ-9B or related systems may start looking elsewhere, including Russia or Western suppliers.

For the United States and its allies, the recent combat results support a point they have made for years. Western stealth aircraft, electronic warfare, and integrated strike systems still hold a strong edge. The gap with China may not be shrinking. It may be growing.

At the same time, Beijing has not changed its public message. State media still praises the J-20 and other headline weapons. Military displays continue. Official rhetoric remains confident. Yet behind the scenes, the disappearance of top scientists points to anxiety inside the system.

What Comes Next, More Purges or Real Change?

It is still unclear how far this campaign will go. Xi now holds more power than any Chinese leader in years. He could replace removed experts with more politically reliable figures, even if that weakens technical standards.

There is another possibility. The shock of recent failures could force a hard reset. China might invest more in realistic testing, better system integration, and tighter oversight of defense spending.

For now, the signs point to damage control, not open reform. Scientists are disappearing. Doubts about China’s military technology are spreading. And the country’s image as a rising defense powerhouse is starting to crack under the weight of real combat results.

The J-20 was meant to reshape air warfare. Its chief designer has now been erased from official records. Experts tied to China’s nuclear deterrent are gone. Leading figures in radar and missile programs have disappeared as well.

This is not a simple reshuffle. It is a serious test of China’s military credibility.

As one analyst put it, when a country’s top scientists vanish right after its top weapons fail, the issue may be much bigger than corruption. It may signal the collapse of a carefully built myth.

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Asian Development Bank (ADB) Gets Failing Mark on Transparancy

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Asian Development Bank (ADB) Gets Failing Mark on Transparancy

MANLIA – As the world approaches ten years since the Paris Agreement, civil society groups are raising the alarm over the Asian Development Bank’s (ADB) approach to energy and climate. NGO Forum on ADB Network and its allies have released a sharp critique of ADB’s 2025 Energy Policy Review and draft policy.

In a new scorecard, the Forum concludes that ADB has “failed the test” on climate leadership, human rights, and genuine public participation.

For highly exposed countries such as the Philippines, the climate crisis is not abstract. It affects daily life. In 2025 alone, Typhoon Ragasa displaced about four million families. This scale of loss and disruption highlights the urgent need for strong and fair climate action.

Forum members and allies say that ADB’s review process and proposed changes “ring hollow”. They argue that the policy offers little real protection for communities that already bear the brunt of climate impacts.

Broken promises on information and participation

Civil society groups say that ADB failed to follow its own Access to Information Policy and commitments on stakeholder engagement.

Key concerns include:

  • Important documents were released late
  • Consultations were short, selective, and poorly designed
  • Public feedback was not clearly reflected in the revised text

According to the Forum, this pattern shows a process that looks participatory on paper, but shuts people out in practice.

Shift towards fossil fuels and extractive interests

The proposed amendments point to what the Forum calls “a dangerous pivot toward corporate and extractive interests”.

Several issues stand out:

  • Fossil gas is still described as a “transition fuel”
  • ADB keeps space to fund new gas exploration and pipelines
  • This goes against the scientific view that no new oil and gas fields fit with the 1.5°C goal

The Energy Transition Mechanism (ETM) is also under fire. Instead of helping to retire coal plants, civil society fears it could lock in more fossil fuel infrastructure.

Loopholes in ADB’s coal ban remain, and the Forum warns that the Critical Minerals for Clean Energy Technologies (CM2CET) initiative is “greenwashing” mining. This shift, they say, threatens Indigenous communities, fragile ecosystems, and human rights.

Concerns over nuclear power and “false solutions”

ADB is also weighing the option of lifting its ban on nuclear financing. Forum members call this move reckless and backward.

They argue that:

  • Nuclear energy is costly and unsafe
  • It produces long-lived radioactive waste
  • Small Modular Reactors are unproven and carry high financial risk

The review also promotes what civil society labels “false solutions”. These include:

  • Coal co-firing
  • Waste-to-Energy plants
  • Large hydropower projects
  • Geothermal projects in Indigenous territories

According to the coalition, these approaches repeat old harms instead of delivering a fair and science-based transition.

Silence on human rights, gender, and Indigenous consent

The revised energy policy, as drafted, does not contain clear and binding commitments on:

  • Human rights due diligence
  • Protection of environmental and land defenders
  • Gender justice
  • Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC) for Indigenous Peoples

Civil society groups point to a history of ADB projects linked to forced displacement, land grabs, repression, and gender-based harms.

They stress that “energy transitions that violate rights are neither just nor sustainable”. In their words, “ADB’s silence speaks louder than its rhetoric”.

Scorecard from communities: “zero on climate justice”

Over one hundred civil society organisations assessed ADB based on their direct experience with projects. Their scorecard highlights:

  • Gas pipelines pushed through Indigenous lands, with no real consent: zero
  • Opaque lending through financial intermediaries, hiding coal exposure: zero
  • Promotion of nuclear power, large mines, and incinerators while claiming climate leadership: zero

“ADB’s score of zero is a mirror reflecting the Bank’s own choices,” the coalition states.

Civil society demands that the ADB’s Board of Directors

The Forum is urging ADB’s Board of Directors to reject the draft policy in its present form and to act quickly. Their demands include:

  • A genuinely transparent and inclusive review process through 2026
  • Closing all loopholes in ADB’s coal restrictions
  • A clear and time-bound phase-out of fossil gas
  • Rejection of nuclear power and extractive-heavy plans, including CM2CET
  • An end to “false solutions” that harm communities and the environment
  • Strong, binding human rights and just transition standards
  • Full alignment with the 1.5°C pathway, with a complete fossil fuel phase-out by 2030

These steps, they say, are the minimum for ADB to claim any real climate leadership.

“A failed test in a time of climate emergency”

“ADB’s Energy Policy Review remains a failed test and a failing grade,” the statement concludes.

For communities across Asia, the message is clear. The climate emergency calls for leadership guided by justice and science, not by profit, risky technologies, or exclusion.

Community groups say they refuse to accept another generation locked into fossil fuels and harmful projects. They insist that ADB must choose a path that protects people, respects rights, and keeps global warming within safe limits.

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“Anyone Who Loves Bharat Is a Hindu,” Says RSS Sarsanghchalak

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“Anyone Who Loves Bharat Is a Hindu,” Says RSS Sarsanghchalak

MUMBAI –  Anyone who loves Bharat (popularly known as India) and proudly calls themselves Bharatiya is a Hindu, regardless of personal forms of worship, said Dr Mohan Bhagwat, Sarsanghchalak of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).

Speaking to an audience of scholars, intellectuals, editors, writers, and entrepreneurs on 18 November 2025 at Sudarshanalaya in the Barbari area of Guwahati, he stressed that the word “Hindu” is not limited to a religion. He described it as a civilisational identity, rooted in thousands of years of continuous culture and shared heritage.

“Bharat and Hindu are synonymous,” Dr Bhagwat stated, adding that Bharat does not require any formal declaration as a Hindu Rashtra, since its civilisational character already reflects that reality.

During the interactive session, he spoke about the Sangh’s broader vision of civilisation, current national issues, and activities linked to the organisation’s centenary celebrations. He encouraged people to visit an RSS Shakha to understand the organisation first-hand, instead of relying on preconceived views or second-hand narratives.

Concerns on Demography, Culture, and Social Harmony

Responding to questions on demographic change and cultural protection in Assam, Dr Bhagwat called for confidence, alertness, and a deep bond with one’s land and identity. He talked about illegal infiltration, the need for a balanced population policy, including a three-child guideline for Hindus, and the need to resist divisive religious conversions.

He urged responsible use of social media, especially among young people, and warned against the spread of misinformation and hate. Dr Bhagwat also highlighted five core social focus areas: social harmony, family awareness, civic discipline, self-reliance, and environmental protection.

Message to Youth: “Know the RSS First-Hand”

In a separate youth conclave on Wednesday, the Sarsanghchalak requested young people not to form opinions about the RSS based on hearsay, propaganda, or inherited bias. He appealed to the youth of far eastern Bharat to watch the organisation closely and judge it by its work on the ground.

He observed that the RSS has now become a frequent subject of public debate. “These discussions should be based on facts,” he said, claiming that more than half of the information about the RSS available on various global and digital platforms is incorrect. He also spoke of a deliberate misinformation campaign against the Sangh in some media outlets.

RSS Vision: Making Bharat a Vishwaguru

Referring to RSS founder Dr Keshav Baliram Hedgewar, Dr Bhagwat said that the core aim of the Sangh is to help Bharat become a “Vishwaguru”, a guide for the world. For this to happen, he stressed that the society itself must rise first.

A nation can move forward only when its society is united and focused on quality, he said. He urged the youth to study the early growth of developed countries. In his words, the first hundred years of their progress were spent building unity and inner strength within their societies.

Respect for Diversity as Bharat’s Strength

Dr Bhagwat praised Bharat’s long tradition of respecting and accepting differences of language, region, and belief. He said this habit of honouring diversity is rare in many other countries.

According to him, those regions that chose to separate from Bharat lost much of their earlier diversity over time. He reminded the audience that spiritual leaders like Guru Nanak and Srimanta Sankardeva fully respected the country’s varied traditions and always spread messages of unity in their teachings.

A Stronger Bharat to Address North East Concerns

Reaffirming the RSS’s focus on building a stronger Bharat, Dr Bhagwat said that once the nation becomes stronger, issues concerning the North East and its relationship with the rest of India will naturally reduce. He underlined that there is no substitute for strengthening Bharat under the idea of “India First”.

He invited young people to take part in RSS activities according to their time, interest, and capacity. He noted that the organisation’s base in the far eastern region is slowly but steadily growing stronger.

Visit to the North East and Manipur Schedule

Dr Bhagwat arrived in Guwahati on Monday to review various programmes linked to the RSS centenary and to interact with different sections of Assam’s civil society. On Thursday, he left for Manipur for a three-day visit.

This will be his first visit to the Myanmar-bordering state since ethnic violence between Meitei and Kuki-Zo communities erupted there in May 2023. During his stay in Manipur, which is currently under President’s Rule, the RSS chief is expected to meet youth leaders, entrepreneurs, representatives of Janajati communities, and ordinary citizens.

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