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The Democrats Now the Party of White Voters with College Degrees

Jeffrey Thomas

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The Democrats Now the Party of White Voters with College Degrees

WASHINGTON, DC – In the wake of the 2024 presidential race, the Democrats are confronting an unfamiliar reflection. The party that once rallied America’s broad working class, the same one that drove Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal and powered Barack Obama’s rise, now looks anchored to white voters with college degrees.

Exit polls and post-election studies show a clear pattern. Kamala Harris, the first woman, the first Black woman, and the first person of South Asian heritage to head a major-party ticket, drew strong backing from suburban professionals with advanced degrees.

At the same time, she lost ground with the very groups that long formed the party’s core: Hispanics, Asians, Black voters, and the working and middle classes. Analysts argue this shift did not happen overnight. It reflects years of favouring the look of diversity over the habit of listening to the people that diversity represents.

The data point to a quiet crisis. A detailed Pew Research Center study of validated voters found Harris won college-educated voters by 16 points. That group is now about 40 percent of the electorate, and it skews white and affluent. Among white voters with a bachelor’s degree, Democratic identification sits at 51 percent, an even divide that marks a sharp change from the early 2000s, when non-college whites leaned heavily Democratic.

NPR’s Domenico Montanaro called this the “diploma divide,” now the main fault line in American politics. Educated white voters favour Democrats on climate and social issues, while voters with fewer credentials, across races, move to Republicans who push pocketbook themes.

In states like Georgia and Pennsylvania, white college graduates gave Harris her best margins, often by double digits. The party’s message plays well in office parks and tech corridors, but it struggles in factories and corner stores.

The gains with highly educated voters come with a heavy price. Non-college voters, who make up 57 percent of the electorate, up from near parity in 2016, backed Donald J. Trump by 14 points. That share includes a growing number of working-class minorities. Ruy Teixeira of the Brookings Institution, a veteran Democratic analyst, warns that this slide threatens the party’s long-term strength.

The working class, defined here by education as well as income, feels sidelined by a platform tuned to elite tastes. In a 2023 essay, Teixeira argued Democrats are becoming a party of the cognitive elite, a shift that leaves the coalition smaller, more rigid, and out of step with the math of winning elections.

Old Strongholds Erode: Hispanics, Asians, and Black Voters Pull Away

The breakdown is sharpest among racial and ethnic minorities who once formed a reliable Democratic base. Hispanic voters, the fastest-growing bloc in the electorate, hit Harris’s campaign hard. Trump won nearly half of them, 48 percent, up from 36 percent in 2020. That 12-point jump turned a Democratic stronghold into a contested space.

In Nevada and Arizona, where Latinos make up roughly a quarter of the population, Trump’s gains among non-college Hispanics proved decisive. Many cited rising prices, border policy, and a feeling that Democratic plans favoured newcomers over long-settled families. A Vox post-election review called it a credibility gap on the economy. Latino households, squeezed by post-pandemic inflation, saw the Biden-Harris agenda as heavy on symbolism and light on relief.

Asian voters also moved in larger numbers than expected. Harris’s margin among Asian American and Pacific Islander voters fell to 17 points, down from Biden’s 40-point win. Trump carried key Asian subgroups by double digits in swing states like Georgia. Gallup’s long-term trend shows the Democratic edge with Asians at its lowest since the 1960s.

Parents point to school closures, public safety, and policies such as affirmative action that many saw as unfair to high-achieving Asian students. In New York City, support for Trump climbed to 30 percent in heavily immigrant areas, according to New Lines Magazine, where residents pushed back on outreach that felt patronizing.

Even Black voters, the party’s most loyal group, showed slippage. Harris still won 83 percent, down 4 points from Biden, but Trump doubled his share to 15 percent. Among Black men under 50, defections reached about 21 percent in some surveys. The Guardian had flagged this trend before the election.

Identification with Democrats among non-Hispanic Black voters fell to historic lows, driven by economic stress and cultural friction. A Brookings review after the election cited a mismatch with working-class needs. Black women faced higher unemployment at 6.2 percent, compared with 4 percent for white women. Targeted appeals failed to address broader economic interests.

Losses with minority voters, layered over setbacks with the working and middle classes, left Democrats with a coalition rich in donor money but light on votes. Union leaders, once central allies, now call for a “reconstruction” of the party, as reported by NBC News.

They argue the long slide in blue-collar support reached a breaking point in 2024. In Macomb County, Michigan, a bellwether once known for Reagan Democrats that later backed Trump, non-college voters across races moved 20 points to the right. PBS News Weekend described that shift as the class revolt driving the election.

The Risk of Performative Diversity: Symbolism Without Connection

At the core of this setback sits a charge that has lingered for years and erupted in 2024. Democrats focused on looking diverse, while failing to hear the diverse voices they champion. The party’s embrace of diversity, equity, and inclusion started as a moral cause.

Over time, critics say it turned into a performance that prized checklists over skill and symbols over results. Heather Mac Donald of the Manhattan Institute argued in Newsweek that this posture made the party less diverse, pushing away the very groups it hoped to help by swapping identity for merit.

The 2020 primaries offered an early preview. After the George Floyd protests, Democrats presented a field rich in candidates of colour and women. CBS News found voters eager for “women and people of colour.” Yet the race narrowed to Joe Biden and Bernie Sanders, two white men, a shift shaped by rules and donor systems that favoured insiders over challengers.

By 2024, the reckoning arrived. Harris’s role on the ticket, hailed as historic despite a lacklustre 2020 primary run, became the flashpoint. Coverage from The New York Times and CNN framed her ascent as a milestone. Many working-class minority voters saw a candidate elevated for identity, not for a record on the issues that drive daily life.

The identity-first approach reached down the ballot. In many contests, the push for representative slates produced candidates with compelling biographies but thin policy records. Frederick Hess of the American Enterprise Institute labelled this the Democrats’ merit problem. He argued DEI targets displaced tough vetting for staffers, judicial picks, and even convention delegates.

POLITICO reported worries about delegate quotas ahead of the convention, such as California’s 43 percent Hispanic goal. Veterans said they were passed over for symbolic selections. Ruy Teixeira, writing in The Liberal Patriot, warned that sidelining merit seeped into hiring on campuses and into policy debates, weakening trust among voters who want competence over confessionals.

The irony is hard to miss. In elevating representation, Democrats lost touch with the everyday concerns that cut across lines. Paychecks lag behind prices. Schools feel stuck in cultural fights. The border strains under migration. Axios found the party’s edge among Black, Hispanic, and Asian voters at a 60-year low. Many did not see prejudice as the main factor.

They saw box-checking. Large shares of Hispanic voters rejected the term “Latinx,” according to Equis Research. Many Asian parents saw DEI training as elite talk, while they pushed for admissions based on achievement. A post-election review by Good Authority described a sharper sorting. College-educated voters leaned liberal, while non-college voters leaned conservative. Working-class Latino and Black voters felt Democratic policies did not meet their daily needs.

The Cost of Identity Over Merit, and a Way Forward

The 2024 results delivered a clear verdict. Harris’s loss was not only about turnout. Pew’s validated data shows nonvoters leaned toward Trump by 4 points. The larger hit came from persuasion. Working-class voters and many minorities did not accept the pitch.

Trump’s coalition mixed white voters without degrees with rising shares of Hispanics, 46 percent in NBC’s exit polls, and more Black men, 21 percent. He pressed pocketbook issues that Democrats often treated as secondary. The Hill warned that shrinking support could even sap white liberals’ commitment to progressive causes, as the party’s base narrows to a coastal circle.

Democrats are now debating their next move. Union leaders want a return to class-based politics. Strategists like Carlos Odio of Equis advise dropping “woke” jargon and returning to bread-and-butter themes.

Yet, as The New York Times reported in February 2025, the party is struggling to defend DEI against Trump’s attacks while staying true to its values. At a Stanford Freeman Spogli Institute forum on “Diversity and Democracy,” speakers pressed a simple idea. Real multiracial progress requires listening. Merit and identity should stand together. That is the route to rebuild a broad coalition.

The 2024 setback was not a rejection of diversity itself. It was a rejection of its hollow version. In rushing to showcase a rainbow, the party lost the work of building trust across lines of class and culture. Heading toward 2028, the question is urgent. Can Democrats return to a coalition shaped by kitchen-table concerns, or will they stay bound to the tastes of the academy? For a party born in union halls and civil rights marches, the stakes could not be higher.

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Still the Champ: Why the ‘Political Obituary’ of Donald Trump Keeps Getting It Wrong

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Still the Champ: Why the 'Political Obituary' of Donald Trump Keeps Getting It Wrong

WASHINGTON, D.C. – For years, mainstream media outlets have raced to be the first to publish Donald Trump’s political obituary. From the pages of The Guardian to the editorial boards of The Washington Post, the narrative has been consistent: the MAGA movement is slowing down, and the former President’s grip on the Republican Party is slipping.

However, as the dust settles on the latest round of primary elections, those predictions look less like analysis and more like “wishful thinking.” On the latest episode of The Ingraham Angle, host Laura Ingraham argued that despite constant headwinds, Trump remains the most powerful force in global politics today.

The most recent evidence of this enduring influence comes from the Hoosier State. Late last year, several Indiana State Senators made headlines for bucking Trump’s preferences on redistricting. At the time, critics were quick to claim that Trump had been handed one of his “biggest defeats yet,” with some even suggesting he left the state with a “black eye.”

The reality of the primary results tells a very different story:

  • The Sweep: Five out of the eight Republican incumbents who stood against Trump lost their seats to challengers he endorsed.
  • The Holdout: A sixth race remains too close to call, potentially increasing that margin.
  • The Message: Voters in Indiana sent a clear signal that the MAGA endorsement still carries massive weight in local GOP politics.

Ingraham pointed out that this isn’t a new phenomenon. She compared the situation to former Representative Liz Cheney’s 2022 primary defeat in Wyoming, noting that Trump often understands the pulse of the base better than the “establishment” figures who represent them.

A Rejection of the “Old” GOP

A significant portion of the current political friction stems from a nostalgic desire—largely among Democrats and “Never-Trump” Republicans—for a return to a specific type of opposition. Former President Barack Obama recently expressed his wish for a “loyal opposition”—a Republican Party that adheres to the traditional norms of the pre-2016 era.

However, Ingraham argues that this version of the GOP is exactly what voters rejected. She noted that the “old” party was one that suffered major losses in 2006, 2008, and 2012. According to Ingraham, the left only “loves” Republicans who cave and lose, whereas the MAGA movement is built on a refusal to be “political roadkill.”

The debate over Trump’s influence isn’t just about personalities; it’s about results. The article highlights a growing divide between the governance of major Democratic-led cities and the booming “Red State” model.

  • Urban Struggles: Ingraham cited declining conditions in cities like San Francisco, Chicago, Seattle, and Portland as evidence that modern liberalism is failing to provide safety and affordability.
  • The Red State Boom: Conversely, states aligned with MAGA principles are seeing population increases and economic growth.

Why the Left is “Vexed”

The central reason Trump remains a thorn in the side of the political establishment is his refusal to follow their playbook. He didn’t rise through the traditional ranks, and he doesn’t use the standard political jargon. By calling out the failures of both the left and the right, he created a unique lane that neither side has successfully closed.

As the 2024 cycle ramps up, the “wishful thinking” of a post-Trump Republican Party seems further away than ever. Whether it’s in the cornfields of Indiana or on the national stage, the MAGA movement continues to prove that rumors of its demise have been greatly exaggerated.

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Tennessee Redistricting War: Democrats Stripped of Power Amid Capitol Chaos

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Tennessee Redistricting War

NASHVILLE — The political temperature in Tennessee has reached a boiling point. In a fast-moving and highly controversial special session, the state’s Republican supermajority has successfully pushed through a brand-new congressional map. This move effectively strips Democrats of their only remaining stronghold in the state and cements total conservative control over the state’s federal representation.

The political warfare quickly spilled out of the legislative chambers and into the marble halls of the state Capitol. The resulting scenes were filled with blaring air horns, aggressive chanting, and intense physical clashes that some partisan critics and onlookers have described as a violent riot. As heavily armed state troopers rushed in to maintain order, the future of Tennessee’s political landscape was rewritten in a matter of days.

The Redistricting War Heats Up

The battle lines were quickly drawn following a recent U.S. Supreme Court decision that significantly weakened specific minority protections under the landmark Voting Rights Act. Wasting no time, Tennessee Governor Bill Lee called a special legislative session. The goal was very clear: redraw the state’s congressional maps immediately, just months ahead of the highly anticipated 2026 midterm elections.

At the center of this fierce redistricting war is the city of Memphis. For nearly two decades, the area has been represented by Democrat Rep. Steve Cohen. It has proudly stood as the state’s only majority-Black, majority-Democratic congressional district.

The new map, approved by the GOP leadership, aggressively carves Shelby County into three separate districts. By splitting this vital Democratic voting bloc into rural, deeply conservative surrounding areas, the new lines give Republicans a massive advantage. They now have a clear and unobstructed path to winning all nine of the state’s U.S. House seats.

Protests, Chaos, and Clashes at the Capitol

As the legislation moved forward at lightning speed, public outrage exploded. Hundreds of angry protesters descended on the Tennessee Capitol building. What started as a vocal demonstration quickly escalated into a chaotic scene that disrupted the normal flow of government business.

Tensions boiled over during standard committee hearings. Demonstrators chanted loudly, blew air horns, and beat aggressively on the heavy wooden doors of the meeting rooms.

  • Locked Arms and Defiance: Democratic lawmakers, including State Sen. Charlane Oliver, stood on their desks and linked arms in protest of what they called a “Jim Crow” effort to silence Black voters. Some members clapped, danced, and refused to follow the standard rules of decorum.
  • State Trooper Intervention: The situation grew so intense and loud that Republican leaders had to completely suspend the hearings. State troopers were brought in to physically clear protesters from the rooms and hold back shouting crowds in the hallways, leading to tense standoffs.
  • Fiery Symbols: Just outside the chamber doors, State Rep. Justin Jones took a lighter and set fire to a small image of the Confederate flag, repeatedly shouting the chant, “We will not go back.”

While organizers and local activists maintain that the protests were a necessary, peaceful stand for civil rights, the aggressive tactics, building disruptions, and sheer volume of the unrest led some conservative commentators to label the event a riot. Regardless of the label applied to the chaos, the disruptions did not stop the Republican supermajority from swiftly passing the map.

Democrats Stripped of Power

The passage of the new map is a crushing, historic blow to the Tennessee Democratic Party. Despite the loud protests, the walkouts, and the attempts to stall the final vote, Democrats found themselves completely powerless to stop the legislation.

Because Republicans hold a massive supermajority in both the state House and Senate, they did not need a single Democratic vote to pass the new boundaries. Furthermore, to make this mid-decade map change legal, the GOP first had to repeal a 50-year-old state law that strictly banned redrawing districts in the middle of a ten-year census cycle. They did exactly that, easily overriding any loud objections from the minority party.

The result is a total loss of power for Democrats in the state’s congressional delegation. The map effectively erases their one reliable seat in Washington, leaving left-leaning voters in Memphis feeling entirely disenfranchised.

The Legal Fight: NAACP Steps In

With their legislative power stripped away, Democrats and civil rights groups are now turning to the courts as their last line of defense. The NAACP Tennessee State Conference filed an emergency lawsuit just hours after Governor Bill Lee officially signed the map into law.

The lawsuit aims to block the new map from being used in the upcoming 2026 elections. Here are the main arguments driving the high-stakes legal battle:

  • Special Session Rules: The NAACP strongly argues that Governor Lee did not clearly state that the special session would be used to repeal the 50-year-old law preventing mid-decade redistricting. Because state law requires special sessions to stick to a strict agenda, they claim the repeal is completely void.
  • Voter Confusion: Changing district lines so incredibly close to an election causes massive chaos. County election commissions now have to scramble to update voter rolls, reprogram machines, and mail out notices to citizens regarding their new polling places.
  • Candidate Chaos: The official candidate qualifying deadline had already passed back in March. The new law extends that deadline to May 15, forcing candidates who had already spent hundreds of thousands of dollars campaigning in their old districts to essentially start over from scratch.

State attorneys have pushed back hard against these claims. They argue that the state has sovereign immunity from these types of lawsuits and that the governor has every legal right to call a special session to make necessary statutory changes for the election.

What This Means for the 2026 Elections

The fallout from this bitter redistricting war stretches far beyond the borders of Tennessee. Control of the U.S. House of Representatives hangs in a very delicate balance, and every single seat matters on a national scale.

Former President Donald Trump publicly urged state leaders to take action and correct what he viewed as unconstitutional flaws in the old map. By securing an extra, safe seat for the GOP in Tennessee, Republicans are actively strengthening their grip on power ahead of the November midterms.

For everyday voters living in the state, the situation is incredibly murky and stressful. With early voting deadlines quickly approaching, many residents are left wondering which district they actually live in and who will be on their ballot when they show up to vote. Election officials are currently working overtime to update their complex systems, but the risk of widespread voter confusion remains extremely high.

Ultimately, the chaotic scenes at the Capitol and the bitter legal battles highlight a deeply divided state. The Democrats may have been successfully stripped of their power in the legislature, but the fight over Tennessee’s political future is far from over.

As the multiple court cases play out over the coming weeks, the entire nation will be watching closely to see if the new map stands, or if the judges will force lawmakers right back to the drawing board.

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The Last of the Real Democrats? How John Fetterman is Bucking the Progressive Tide

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The Last of the Real Democrats? How John Fetterman is Bucking the Progressive Tide

WASHINGTON, D.C. – When you picture a modern politician for the Democrats, you probably imagine a tailored suit, a rehearsed smile, and carefully tested talking points. Senator John Fetterman of Pennsylvania is none of those things.

Standing at six-foot-eight, usually dressed in gym shorts and an oversized hoodie, Fetterman looks more like a guy waiting in line at a local hardware store than a United States Senator. But his clothes are not the only thing setting him apart from his colleagues in Washington.

Recently, Fetterman has made headlines for doing something almost unheard of in today’s Democratic Party: he is actively rejecting the “progressive” label. Instead, he simply calls himself a regular Democrat.

For a long time, the Democratic Party was seen as the party of the working class. It was the political home for factory workers, union members, and middle-of-the-road liberals. Today, a growing number of political observers and everyday voters are asking a tough question. Have progressives hijacked the once moderate Democratic Party? And if so, is John Fetterman one of the last “real” Democrats left?

The Rise of the Working-Class Democrat

To understand Fetterman, you have to understand where he comes from. He served as the mayor of Braddock, a small, working-class steel town in western Pennsylvania. Braddock is a town that saw hard times when the factories closed down. Fetterman spent his time there trying to rebuild the community, attract jobs, and reduce crime. He did not do this with high-level academic theories. He did it with practical, everyday solutions.

When Fetterman ran for the Senate in 2022, he ran on a platform that appealed directly to blue-collar workers. He talked about creating jobs, protecting unions, and making healthcare affordable. He also supported things that made the far-left nervous, like the local fracking industry, which provides thousands of jobs in Pennsylvania.

For a while, many in the media called him a progressive champion simply because he supported things like legal weed and a higher minimum wage. But as Fetterman himself pointed out, his views have always been rooted in practical, traditional Democratic values, not extreme leftist ideology.

What Happened to the Middle-of-the-Road Left?

If you look back twenty or thirty years, the Democratic Party looked very different. During the 1990s, leaders like Bill Clinton championed a “Third Way.” This was a middle-of-the-road approach. The party focused on growing the economy, balancing the budget, being tough on crime, and providing a safety net for the poor.

Even during the early years of Barack Obama’s presidency, the party largely stuck to a moderate path. They focused heavily on kitchen-table issues—the things families talk about over dinner, like the cost of healthcare, paying for college, and keeping their neighborhoods safe.

However, around 2016, things began to shift. The presidential campaign of Senator Bernie Sanders energized a new, highly vocal wing of the party. Soon after, new politicians like Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and the “Squad” arrived in Congress. The energy in the party moved to the far left. According to data from Gallup, the percentage of Democrats identifying as “liberal” or “very liberal” has risen sharply over the last decade.

How the Progressive Wing Took the Steering Wheel

Critics argue that this new progressive wing has hijacked the party’s messaging. Instead of focusing on jobs and wages, the loudest voices in the room started focusing on sweeping, radical changes.

Some of the key moments that made moderate voters feel left behind include:

  • The “Defund the Police” Movement: While traditional Democrats wanted police reform, progressive activists pushed slogans about dismantling police departments. This alienated millions of voters who worry about crime in their neighborhoods.
  • Energy Policy Extremes: Moderates favor a slow transition to green energy while protecting current jobs. Progressives have pushed for immediate, drastic cuts to fossil fuels, leaving workers in states like Pennsylvania and Ohio fearing for their livelihoods.
  • Cultural Messaging: The language used by the progressive wing often feels rooted in elite university campuses rather than factory floors. Many working-class voters feel talked down to or misunderstood by the party’s new, highly educated base.

For a traditional, middle-of-the-road liberal, this shift has been dizzying. The party that once focused on protecting the little guy now seems hyper-focused on complex cultural debates and massive government expansions.

Why Fetterman Left the Progressive Label Behind

Over the past year, Senator Fetterman has drawn a clear line in the sand between himself and the progressive wing. He has shown a willingness to break from the left on several major issues, proving that he is not afraid to upset his own party’s base.

First, there is the issue of border security. While many progressives advocate for highly relaxed border policies, Fetterman has stated clearly that America needs a secure border. He has pointed out that wanting a safe, orderly immigration system does not make you cruel; it makes you practical.

Second, Fetterman has been unflinching in his support for Israel. While the progressive wing of the Democratic Party has become increasingly critical of Israel, and in some cases deeply hostile, Fetterman has draped himself in the Israeli flag. He has refused to back down, stating that standing by traditional American allies used to be a basic, bipartisan value.

Finally, Fetterman is a staunch defender of American energy independence. He knows that in places like Pennsylvania, the energy sector is what puts food on the table. He refuses to sacrifice those jobs to satisfy climate activists who live hundreds of miles away in big cities.

The Progressive Agenda vs. Traditional Liberalism

To understand just how much the party has shifted, it helps to look at the differences between the new progressive agenda and traditional liberalism. Here is how the two sides differ:

  • Economic Focus: Traditional Democrats focus on raising the minimum wage, protecting unions, and ensuring fair trade. Progressives focus on concepts like universal basic income, student loan forgiveness (which often benefits higher earners), and massive taxation overhauls.
  • Foreign Policy: Traditional liberals believe in strong global alliances and backing democratic nations. The progressive wing has grown increasingly skeptical of American military power and traditional allies.
  • Social Issues: Moderates believe in equality of opportunity and protecting civil rights. The progressive wing often pushes for “equity” (equality of outcome) and places a heavy focus on identity politics.
  • Tone and Approach: The old-school Democrat tries to build a big tent, welcoming people who might disagree on a few issues. The modern progressive movement is often seen as demanding purity, quickly turning on anyone who steps out of line.

Are Centrist Democrats Becoming a Thing of the Past?

As the progressive wing gains more influence in media and online spaces, politicians like John Fetterman seem to be an endangered species. Many moderate Democrats in Congress keep their heads down. They are afraid of being attacked on social media or facing a primary challenge from a far-left candidate.

But Fetterman’s approach might just be the blueprint for saving the Democratic Party in the American heartland. By refusing to bow to the progressive left, he is speaking to the “silent majority” of Democratic voters. These are people who want good roads, safe streets, fair wages, and a government that works. They are not interested in endless culture wars or radical experiments.

Fetterman’s popularity among average voters suggests that there is still a massive appetite for normal, common-sense politics. People respect a leader who tells the truth as he sees it, even if it makes his own party angry.

A Crossroads for the Democratic Party

The Democratic Party is currently standing at a crossroads. Down one path is the progressive vision: a party focused on sweeping cultural changes, rapid environmental mandates, and highly left-wing social policies. Down the other path is the traditional liberal vision: a party grounded in the economic realities of the working class, strong national defense, and practical, step-by-step progress.

John Fetterman has made it crystal clear which path he is walking. By shedding the progressive label, he is sending a message to the rest of the country. He is proving that you can support unions, defend reproductive rights, and fight for the middle class without adopting extreme far-left views.

Is John Fetterman the last of the real Democrats? Perhaps not the absolute last. But right now, he is certainly the loudest voice reminding the party of its roots. If the Democratic Party wants to keep winning elections in places like the Rust Belt and the Midwest, it might need to spend a little less time listening to the progressive activists on Twitter and a little more time listening to the guy in the hoodie.

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