Politics
The Democrats Now the Party of White Voters with College Degrees
WASHINGTON, DC – In the wake of the 2024 presidential race, the Democrats are confronting an unfamiliar reflection. The party that once rallied America’s broad working class, the same one that drove Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal and powered Barack Obama’s rise, now looks anchored to white voters with college degrees.
Exit polls and post-election studies show a clear pattern. Kamala Harris, the first woman, the first Black woman, and the first person of South Asian heritage to head a major-party ticket, drew strong backing from suburban professionals with advanced degrees.
At the same time, she lost ground with the very groups that long formed the party’s core: Hispanics, Asians, Black voters, and the working and middle classes. Analysts argue this shift did not happen overnight. It reflects years of favouring the look of diversity over the habit of listening to the people that diversity represents.
The data point to a quiet crisis. A detailed Pew Research Center study of validated voters found Harris won college-educated voters by 16 points. That group is now about 40 percent of the electorate, and it skews white and affluent. Among white voters with a bachelor’s degree, Democratic identification sits at 51 percent, an even divide that marks a sharp change from the early 2000s, when non-college whites leaned heavily Democratic.
NPR’s Domenico Montanaro called this the “diploma divide,” now the main fault line in American politics. Educated white voters favour Democrats on climate and social issues, while voters with fewer credentials, across races, move to Republicans who push pocketbook themes.
In states like Georgia and Pennsylvania, white college graduates gave Harris her best margins, often by double digits. The party’s message plays well in office parks and tech corridors, but it struggles in factories and corner stores.
The gains with highly educated voters come with a heavy price. Non-college voters, who make up 57 percent of the electorate, up from near parity in 2016, backed Donald J. Trump by 14 points. That share includes a growing number of working-class minorities. Ruy Teixeira of the Brookings Institution, a veteran Democratic analyst, warns that this slide threatens the party’s long-term strength.
The working class, defined here by education as well as income, feels sidelined by a platform tuned to elite tastes. In a 2023 essay, Teixeira argued Democrats are becoming a party of the cognitive elite, a shift that leaves the coalition smaller, more rigid, and out of step with the math of winning elections.
Old Strongholds Erode: Hispanics, Asians, and Black Voters Pull Away
The breakdown is sharpest among racial and ethnic minorities who once formed a reliable Democratic base. Hispanic voters, the fastest-growing bloc in the electorate, hit Harris’s campaign hard. Trump won nearly half of them, 48 percent, up from 36 percent in 2020. That 12-point jump turned a Democratic stronghold into a contested space.
In Nevada and Arizona, where Latinos make up roughly a quarter of the population, Trump’s gains among non-college Hispanics proved decisive. Many cited rising prices, border policy, and a feeling that Democratic plans favoured newcomers over long-settled families. A Vox post-election review called it a credibility gap on the economy. Latino households, squeezed by post-pandemic inflation, saw the Biden-Harris agenda as heavy on symbolism and light on relief.
Asian voters also moved in larger numbers than expected. Harris’s margin among Asian American and Pacific Islander voters fell to 17 points, down from Biden’s 40-point win. Trump carried key Asian subgroups by double digits in swing states like Georgia. Gallup’s long-term trend shows the Democratic edge with Asians at its lowest since the 1960s.
Parents point to school closures, public safety, and policies such as affirmative action that many saw as unfair to high-achieving Asian students. In New York City, support for Trump climbed to 30 percent in heavily immigrant areas, according to New Lines Magazine, where residents pushed back on outreach that felt patronizing.
Even Black voters, the party’s most loyal group, showed slippage. Harris still won 83 percent, down 4 points from Biden, but Trump doubled his share to 15 percent. Among Black men under 50, defections reached about 21 percent in some surveys. The Guardian had flagged this trend before the election.
Identification with Democrats among non-Hispanic Black voters fell to historic lows, driven by economic stress and cultural friction. A Brookings review after the election cited a mismatch with working-class needs. Black women faced higher unemployment at 6.2 percent, compared with 4 percent for white women. Targeted appeals failed to address broader economic interests.
Losses with minority voters, layered over setbacks with the working and middle classes, left Democrats with a coalition rich in donor money but light on votes. Union leaders, once central allies, now call for a “reconstruction” of the party, as reported by NBC News.
They argue the long slide in blue-collar support reached a breaking point in 2024. In Macomb County, Michigan, a bellwether once known for Reagan Democrats that later backed Trump, non-college voters across races moved 20 points to the right. PBS News Weekend described that shift as the class revolt driving the election.
The Risk of Performative Diversity: Symbolism Without Connection
At the core of this setback sits a charge that has lingered for years and erupted in 2024. Democrats focused on looking diverse, while failing to hear the diverse voices they champion. The party’s embrace of diversity, equity, and inclusion started as a moral cause.
Over time, critics say it turned into a performance that prized checklists over skill and symbols over results. Heather Mac Donald of the Manhattan Institute argued in Newsweek that this posture made the party less diverse, pushing away the very groups it hoped to help by swapping identity for merit.
The 2020 primaries offered an early preview. After the George Floyd protests, Democrats presented a field rich in candidates of colour and women. CBS News found voters eager for “women and people of colour.” Yet the race narrowed to Joe Biden and Bernie Sanders, two white men, a shift shaped by rules and donor systems that favoured insiders over challengers.
By 2024, the reckoning arrived. Harris’s role on the ticket, hailed as historic despite a lacklustre 2020 primary run, became the flashpoint. Coverage from The New York Times and CNN framed her ascent as a milestone. Many working-class minority voters saw a candidate elevated for identity, not for a record on the issues that drive daily life.
The identity-first approach reached down the ballot. In many contests, the push for representative slates produced candidates with compelling biographies but thin policy records. Frederick Hess of the American Enterprise Institute labelled this the Democrats’ merit problem. He argued DEI targets displaced tough vetting for staffers, judicial picks, and even convention delegates.
POLITICO reported worries about delegate quotas ahead of the convention, such as California’s 43 percent Hispanic goal. Veterans said they were passed over for symbolic selections. Ruy Teixeira, writing in The Liberal Patriot, warned that sidelining merit seeped into hiring on campuses and into policy debates, weakening trust among voters who want competence over confessionals.
The irony is hard to miss. In elevating representation, Democrats lost touch with the everyday concerns that cut across lines. Paychecks lag behind prices. Schools feel stuck in cultural fights. The border strains under migration. Axios found the party’s edge among Black, Hispanic, and Asian voters at a 60-year low. Many did not see prejudice as the main factor.
They saw box-checking. Large shares of Hispanic voters rejected the term “Latinx,” according to Equis Research. Many Asian parents saw DEI training as elite talk, while they pushed for admissions based on achievement. A post-election review by Good Authority described a sharper sorting. College-educated voters leaned liberal, while non-college voters leaned conservative. Working-class Latino and Black voters felt Democratic policies did not meet their daily needs.
The Cost of Identity Over Merit, and a Way Forward
The 2024 results delivered a clear verdict. Harris’s loss was not only about turnout. Pew’s validated data shows nonvoters leaned toward Trump by 4 points. The larger hit came from persuasion. Working-class voters and many minorities did not accept the pitch.
Trump’s coalition mixed white voters without degrees with rising shares of Hispanics, 46 percent in NBC’s exit polls, and more Black men, 21 percent. He pressed pocketbook issues that Democrats often treated as secondary. The Hill warned that shrinking support could even sap white liberals’ commitment to progressive causes, as the party’s base narrows to a coastal circle.
Democrats are now debating their next move. Union leaders want a return to class-based politics. Strategists like Carlos Odio of Equis advise dropping “woke” jargon and returning to bread-and-butter themes.
Yet, as The New York Times reported in February 2025, the party is struggling to defend DEI against Trump’s attacks while staying true to its values. At a Stanford Freeman Spogli Institute forum on “Diversity and Democracy,” speakers pressed a simple idea. Real multiracial progress requires listening. Merit and identity should stand together. That is the route to rebuild a broad coalition.
The 2024 setback was not a rejection of diversity itself. It was a rejection of its hollow version. In rushing to showcase a rainbow, the party lost the work of building trust across lines of class and culture. Heading toward 2028, the question is urgent. Can Democrats return to a coalition shaped by kitchen-table concerns, or will they stay bound to the tastes of the academy? For a party born in union halls and civil rights marches, the stakes could not be higher.
Related News:
The Democrats’ Great Betrayal, Champions of the Working Man to Handmaids of the Elite
Politics
California Governor Under Fire as Court Freezes Housing Rule
SACRAMENTO – California Governor Gavin Newsom is facing a new round of pushback after a state appellate court ruling that pauses parts of local rent control enforcement. Housing advocates, tenant groups, and political rivals say the decision adds more confusion to California’s housing affordability crisis; at the same time, rents keep climbing in major cities like Los Angeles, San Francisco, and San Diego.
The ruling comes out of a long-running case brought by the California Apartment Association (CAA) against Pasadena’s rent stabilization ordinance. At the center is a set of landlord duties tied to rent increases, including required relocation assistance in certain cases.
The court order blocks some of those requirements when they apply to units that are exempt from local rent limits. Critics say that it undercuts tenant protections when many renters already feel squeezed.
In late December 2025, the California Court of Appeals agreed with the CAA on key issues. The court said a city can’t require relocation payments that are triggered by lawful rent increases on housing that is exempt from those rent controls under state law. That includes certain newer buildings and many single-family homes.
Even though this case focuses on Pasadena, the impact could spread. Other cities, including Los Angeles, have rules that connect relocation benefits to rent increases. The decision puts those policies under pressure and brings the ongoing tension into focus, local tenant protections on one side and state preemption rules on the other.
Newsom has long positioned himself as supportive of renters. He signed the Tenant Protection Act (AB 1482) in 2019, which created statewide limits on rent increases for many units and added just-cause eviction rules.
Now critics argue his broader approach, including efforts to boost housing supply near transit, hasn’t kept up with legal challenges and local resistance. Tenant advocates see the ruling as a sign that rent stability tools are getting weaker. Landlord groups call it a needed check on city overreach that can discourage rental housing investment.
Who Gains and Who Gets Hit in California
Winners: Landlords and property owners in strict rent control cities
Landlords, especially in cities with stronger local rent control rules, appear to benefit most. By limiting relocation assistance requirements tied to rent hikes on exempt units, the ruling can lower costs for property owners.
The CAA, which represents apartment owners and managers, praised the decision as a win for property rights. Small and mid-sized landlords may also see it as relief, after years of COVID-era restrictions and rising costs for insurance, repairs, and maintenance.
Losers: Renters facing higher rents and fewer relocation supports
Renters in affected cities could lose an important safety net. In Los Angeles, where average rents have risen in recent months, and vacancies remain tight, tenants may see fewer relocation benefits when rent increases push them out of a unit that’s exempt from local limits.
Tenant groups say the decision chips away at protections shaped by the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act and AB 1482. AB 1482 limits annual rent increases for covered units to 5 percent plus local inflation, up to a maximum of 10 percent.
Many homes are already exempt, including newer construction and many single-family properties. Critics worry the ruling invites more legal attacks on local tenant safeguards.
Why Critics Say This Could Make Housing Less Affordable
Progressive housing groups and some Democratic lawmakers argue the ruling could speed up displacement in places where rents already outpace wage growth. They point to research and local experience that weaker tenant protections often line up with more forced moves and higher rent burdens.
They also argue that without strong relocation requirements, landlords may have an easier path to move out long-term tenants and reset rents closer to market rates. Over time, that can shrink the supply of lower-cost rentals.
The timing adds to the concern. Efforts to expand statewide rent protections have struggled. Assembly Bill 1157, which would have lowered the rent cap to 5 percent total (2 percent plus inflation), extended protections to more single-family homes and accessory dwelling units, and removed AB 1482’s 2030 sunset, did not move forward in early 2026 after earlier setbacks.
Voters have also rejected broader rent control expansions through Proposition 10 (2018), Proposition 21 (2020), and Proposition 33 (2024), making major changes harder to pass.
Rents Keep Climbing in Los Angeles, San Francisco, and Beyond
Rent pressure hasn’t eased. In Los Angeles, some local adjustments are set to lower caps to 4 percent in certain cases starting February 2026, but in many counties, rent increases are still approaching AB 1482 limits. San Francisco and Oakland have also reported higher rents, tied to limited new construction, a rebound in parts of the tech economy, and continued investor activity.
Newsom highlighted some of those issues in his January 2026 State of the State address. He proposed steps aimed at corporate landlords and large investor purchases of single-family homes, including possible new rules to curb institutional buying.
Critics say the court ruling lands in the middle of a tough cycle. If investor rules tighten, some argue that new supply could slow. If local protections weaken at the same time, renters could be exposed to more risk.
What Could Happen Next in the Pasadena Case
The Pasadena dispute may not be over. While the appellate court ruled for the CAA on major points, the case could still move to the California Supreme Court. As of now, no further appeal has been filed.
The bigger story may be what follows in other cities. The ruling may encourage landlord groups to challenge local ordinances that collide with state law. Tenant organizations may respond with their own legal efforts or push lawmakers to clarify what cities can require around relocation assistance.
Possible Policy Paths for Newsom and State Lawmakers
Newsom and the Legislature still have options to support renters without inviting more legal setbacks. Possible approaches include:
- Tougher enforcement of AB 1482, backed by clearer rules and more funding for tenant legal aid.
- New limits on large corporate ownership, including tax changes or restrictions aimed at entities that own thousands of homes.
- Faster housing production near transit, including policies tied to SB 79, which expands transit-oriented development allowances starting mid-2026, even as some local leaders push back.
- Local incentives for affordable housing, using targeted exemptions or funding to help add below-market units and reduce rent pressure.
Big changes remain difficult in a divided political environment, especially after multiple statewide votes rejected rent control expansion.
What Renters and Landlords Should Track in the Next Few Weeks
For renters
Pay close attention to rent increase notices, especially in February and March 2026, when many annual adjustments take effect. Watch for changes to relocation benefits in places like Pasadena and Los Angeles. Tenant groups recommend keeping records of landlord messages and getting legal help if rent increases appear to exceed AB 1482 limits or if an eviction looks improper. It’s also smart to follow any emergency action from the governor tied to corporate ownership.
For landlords
Continue to follow AB 1482 rules and any new 2026 requirements, including updates tied to habitability and property standards such as working appliances (AB 628) and disaster cleanup responsibilities (SB 610). Track any appeals in the Pasadena case and watch for copycat challenges that could affect relocation obligations across California. Property managers should also stay alert for new proposals tied to rent cap extensions or corporate landlord rules.
California’s housing crisis isn’t slowing down. With homelessness still high and many families leaving expensive areas, this court ruling highlights the fragile balance between tenant protections and property rights. How Newsom responds, through policy changes, enforcement, or new housing proposals, will shape what affordability looks like for millions of renters in 2026.
Related News:
Tesla’s Strategic Retreat From California Due to Red Tape, Costs, and Taxes
Politics
Trump Declares ‘Globalization Is Over!’ – The Globalist Dream Dies at Davos
DAVOS – In a scene that rattled the calm, polished mood of the World Economic Forum, President Donald J. Trump delivered a clear break with the post-Cold War global order. Speaking in Davos in January 2026, he returned to the mountain gathering with a blunt claim: the globalist project didn’t work for the people it promised to serve.
For years, many political and media voices treated borders as outdated, national identity as a problem to solve, and mass migration as proof of progress. Offshoring was sold as harmless, energy reliance was brushed aside, and social unity often came last behind economic theory. Trump’s message pushed back hard, saying the West is done chasing that promise.
The setting made the contrast sharper. Davos, with its luxury chalets and private jets, usually runs on polite talk about shared goals and global cooperation. Trump arrived with an unfiltered America First pitch.
Tariffs are back. Borders are back. Energy independence is back. And the idea that ordinary workers should pay the price for global integration is under open challenge.
The Globalist Promise, and the Backlash
For decades, leaders across much of the West sold globalization as a rising tide. Trade deals spread, supply chains stretched across continents, and borders were treated more like obstacles than protections.
Public officials and policy experts said moving factories to lower-cost countries would lower prices, while immigration would drive innovation and strengthen aging economies. Energy supply was expected to sort itself out through markets. Social strain from fast demographic change was often dismissed as temporary.
Many communities experienced something else. In parts of the American Rust Belt, in Britain’s post-industrial towns, and across Europe, people watched plants shut down and wages stall. Some areas faced growing tension tied to migration levels that outpaced local capacity to absorb change. The biggest wins often landed in large coastal cities, tech corridors, and finance centers. Smaller towns and working-class regions carried more of the disruption.
That gap between promise and daily life helped fuel public anger. Rising populism didn’t appear out of nowhere. It followed years of frustration over lost jobs, weakened local institutions, and a sense that leaders listened more to global conferences than to their own voters.
Trump used his Davos appearance to name that divide in plain terms. GB News reported that he “terrified” the room by saying globalisation is over. His core point was that the globalist experiment failed on multiple fronts.
He tied it to economic damage from hollowed-out industry, social stress from weakened community ties, and cultural strain from eroded national identity. In its place, he argued for basics that governments once treated as normal: protect key jobs, control borders, and stop depending on foreign energy suppliers.
Trump Tariffs, Border Control, and Energy Security
A major part of Trump’s message focused on tariffs as a tool of national policy. For years, free-trade advocates treated tariffs as outdated and harmful. Trump framed them as a way to protect domestic industry, especially when competing nations subsidize production or tilt the field through currency practices.
His approach signals less interest in the old WTO-style mindset and more interest in deals where the United States pushes its own terms.
Border enforcement also took center stage. For a long time, mass migration was described as both inevitable and good. Those who raised concerns about integration, wage pressure, or cultural cohesion were often labeled intolerant and shut down.
Trump’s position puts sovereignty back at the front, saying nations have the right and the duty to decide who enters, how many, and under what rules. He presents it as self-defense, not isolation.
Energy independence formed the third pillar. Trump argued that heavy reliance on foreign oil and gas leaves economies exposed, especially when hostile governments can squeeze supplies or influence prices.
His push for domestic production includes support for drilling, pipelines, and other sources that reduce dependence. The message was simple: energy security comes first, and policy should protect households and businesses from price shocks and foreign pressure.
How Davos Reacted, and What It Could Mean
The crowd in Davos is used to smoother language about “stakeholder capitalism” and broad cooperation. Trump’s tone landed differently. Some European leaders warned about the risks of trade conflict. Others appeared more cautious, as if they recognized the shift but didn’t want to say so publicly.
GB News commentator Matthew Goodwin highlighted the moment by saying Trump “said the quiet part out loud,” pointing to economic, social, and cultural failures tied to the globalist model. That framing captures why the speech drew attention beyond the room.
In the United States, the address reinforced Trump’s support among voters who feel left behind by past trade and immigration policy. It also raised alarms for corporate leaders tied to global supply chains and for political figures who still favor the older consensus.
Abroad, it added pressure on allies who were used to Washington defending the liberal international order as a top priority.
Trump’s Davos message signals a turning point, whether supporters cheer it or critics fear it. It puts more focus on re-shoring industry, tightening immigration rules, and treating energy security as a national interest rather than an afterthought.
The broader direction is still forming, but the speech made one thing clear: the elite agreement that carried globalization for decades is no longer holding.
For many people in struggling regions and overlooked towns, that shift feels overdue. It suggests that leaders may start measuring success less by abstract models and more by real wages, stable communities, and national resilience.
Whether the change brings renewed prosperity or new friction will play out over time. Still, Davos 2026 is likely to be remembered as a moment when the West’s guiding economic story faced a direct challenge.
Politics
Democrats Join Republicans to Advance Contempt Resolution Against Bill Clinton
Nine Democrats Buck Leadership on Epstein-Related Measure, Showing Growing Tensions Over Openness and Accountability
WASHINGTON.D.C. – House Oversight and Government Reform Committee Democrats split sharply on Wednesday as nearly half of them joined Republicans to advance a resolution recommending former President Bill Clinton be held in contempt of Congress.
The committee vote passed 34-8, with two members voting “present.” The move follows Clinton’s refusal to sit for a closed-door deposition after the committee issued a subpoena tied to its continuing review of Jeffrey Epstein’s network and how federal authorities handled related matters.
In a separate vote, the committee also advanced a contempt resolution involving former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. That measure moved forward 28-15, with three Democrats crossing the aisle. Still, the broader Democratic support for the Bill Clinton resolution pointed to rising frustration, even inside the party, over what critics call resistance to cooperation in a case that has held public attention for years.
Chairman James Comer (R-Ky.) called the vote a win for accountability. “Republicans and Democrats on the House Oversight Committee acted today to hold former President Bill Clinton in contempt of Congress for willfully defying lawful and bipartisan subpoenas,” Comer said in a statement.
“By voting to hold the Clintons in contempt, the Committee sent a clear message: no one is above the law, and justice must be applied equally, regardless of position, pedigree, or prestige.”
Bill Clinton Linked to Epstein
Republicans issued the subpoenas late last year as part of a wider inquiry into Epstein’s sex trafficking operation, his ties to influential people, and claimed breakdowns in federal oversight. Bill Clinton has been linked to Epstein for years because flight logs show Clinton traveled on Epstein’s private jet multiple times in the early 2000s. Clinton has repeatedly said he had no knowledge of, or involvement in, Epstein’s crimes.
Lawyers for the Clintons offered limited cooperation, including written answers or a private meeting in New York with only the chair and ranking member present. Comer dismissed those offers as unacceptable, saying they would amount to special treatment. “They believe their last name entitles them to special treatment,” Comer said before the vote.
House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) worked to line up votes against the resolutions, but nine Democrats still supported the Bill Clinton measure: Reps. Maxwell Frost (Fla.), Raja Krishnamoorthi (Ill.), Summer Lee (Pa.), Stephen Lynch (Mass.), Ayanna Pressley (Mass.), Emily Randall (Wash.), Lateefah Simon (Calif.), Melanie Stansbury (N.M.), and Rashida Tlaib (Mich.). Several of those votes came from the progressive wing, including Pressley, Lee, and Tlaib, signaling that some members prioritized openness in the Epstein matter over party unity.
On the Hillary Clinton resolution, only three Democrats sided with Republicans: Stansbury, Lee, and Tlaib. That smaller break showed stronger support among Democrats for her position.
Ranking Member Robert Garcia (D-Calif.) and other Democrats who opposed the measures argued the investigation has turned political. They pointed to unredacted Epstein files and said the contempt push looked like payback.
Strain Inside the Democratic Party
Some Democrats also suggested holding Attorney General Pam Bondi in contempt over claims that documents were being withheld. During a tense markup session broadcast live on C-SPAN, members traded sharp remarks, with one Democrat calling the effort “political score-settling.”
Democrats who broke ranks said the Epstein case demands fuller disclosure and real accountability. “Transparency matters more than protecting past leaders,” said a source close to the progressive wing, speaking anonymously.
Next, both resolutions move to the full House for a floor vote expected in the coming weeks. If the House approves them, the matter would be referred to the Department of Justice for possible criminal prosecution.
That process can carry penalties of up to $100,000 in fines or up to one year in jail. With Republicans controlling the House and a Trump administration DOJ, passage appears likely, though any effort to enforce contempt against a former president would be uncharted territory.
Political observers say the vote highlights real strain inside the Democratic Party. Younger and more progressive lawmakers appear more willing to step away from the Clinton era, as public pressure for answers in the Epstein case continues. Bill Clinton, now 79, has kept a lower profile in recent years and has focused on work tied to the Clinton Foundation.
Full House to Vote
Hillary Clinton’s team called the proceedings “a partisan witch hunt” in a short statement. Representatives for Bill Clinton repeated his earlier denials of wrongdoing connected to Epstein.
As the resolutions advance, the episode shows how older controversies can return with new momentum. The Epstein investigation, stirred again by recent document releases, has pulled in other major names and also fueled conspiracy theories across the political spectrum.
If the full House votes to hold Bill Clinton in contempt, it would be the first referral of its kind against a former president in the modern era. Legal experts say contempt referrals are unusual and often symbolic, but a DOJ that wants to pursue the case could raise the stakes.
For Democrats, the split adds pressure heading into the midterms and raises fresh questions about party discipline under Jeffries. Republicans, meanwhile, cast the vote as proof they support equal justice and holding powerful figures accountable.
The House floor debate is likely to be heated, and it could force more Democrats to choose between standing with party figures and backing demands for answers in one of the country’s most persistent controversies.
Related News:
Epstein Files Get Broken Down By Alex Jones and Nick Fuentes
-
Crime1 month agoYouTuber Nick Shirley Exposes BILLIONS of Somali Fraud, Video Goes VIRAL
-
Politics2 months agoIlhan Omar’s Ties to Convicted Somali Fraudsters Raises Questions
-
News2 months agoWalz Tried to Dodges Blame Over $8 Billion Somali Fraud Scandal
-
Asia2 months agoAsian Development Bank (ADB) Gets Failing Mark on Transparancy
-
Crime2 months agoSomali’s Accused of Bilking Millions From Maine’s Medicaid Program
-
Crime2 months agoMinnesota’s Billion Dollar Fraud Puts Omar and Walz Under the Microscope
-
Politics2 months agoSouth Asian Regional Significance of Indian PM Modi’s Bhutan Visit
-
Asia2 months agoThailand Artist Wins the 2025 UOB Southeast Asian Painting of the Year Award



