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The Democratic Party’s Reckoning: From People’s Champion to Elite Enclave

Leyna Wong

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The Democratic Party

WASHINGTON, DC – Once the firm home of the American working class, the Democratic Party now drifts in waters of its own making. After the 2024 election, Republicans took back the White House, locked down the Senate, and kept a slim House edge. The fallout has been brutal. Favorability for Democrats has slid to historic lows.

Only 29 percent of Americans view the party positively, the lowest in CNN’s three decades of polling. This is not a short-term slump. It is a collapse in trust. From factory towns to suburban cul-de-sacs, voters see a party tuned to coastal social circles, not kitchen-table needs. The New Deal coalition that lifted working families has curdled into a hard-left project, leaving room for a Republican comeback sold as plain “common sense.”

The shift is stark. In the mid-20th century, Democrats under Franklin D. Roosevelt and Harry Truman practiced practical populism. Social Security for seniors, rights for union workers, and national infrastructure were lifelines, not radical dreams.

Today, the party’s language mirrors academic panels and Twitter fights. A “socialist hellscape,” as one former operative scoffed, where equity edicts outrank economic help and gestures replace service. The base is walking away. Moderates are moving to the GOP and doing it fast.

The Far-Left Ascendancy: When Progressives Seize the Wheel

The party’s left turn was not a snap move. It was built over the years, led by activists who prized purity over votes. The rise of the “Squad” in 2018 marked the pivot. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Ilhan Omar, Rashida Tlaib, and allies pushed the Green New Deal, Medicare for All, and a rewrite of capitalism as a system of harm. By 2024, that agenda set the tone. The platform leaned into wealth taxes, student debt cancellation, and racial reparations, ideas that often test poorly among swing voters.

Inside the party, critics like former Sen. Joe Manchin called it a “hostile takeover” by the far left. Compromise became a sin, centrists were branded sellouts. The Democratic Socialists of America grew from about 6,000 members to more than 90,000 by 2021, fueling primaries and rewriting policy fights.

Progressives ousted moderates in safe blue seats, from Jamaal Bowman in New York to Cori Bush in Missouri. The new bloc pushed “defund the police,” while border security slipped down the list.

The price showed up on Election Day. In 2024, Trump won 15 percent of Black voters and doubled his Latino share, according to Pew Research. Many working-class white voters now view Democrats as elite and out of touch, focused on “woke” debates over daily costs. A post-election Gallup survey found 55 percent of Democrats self-identified as liberal, a record. At the same time, 45 percent wanted moderation. The party feels split, with the far left steering, while the electorate pulls away.

Democratic Party Moderates in Exodus: The Flight to Republican Sanity

The left’s advance lit the flame. The moderate exit turned it into a blaze. The center that once defined the party, think Bill Clinton’s triangulation or Barack Obama’s coalition work, now feels unwelcome. “The party I joined to fight for the little guy became a stage for lectures,” said one Virginia Democrat in a focus group.

The numbers tell the story. From 2020 to 2024, Democrats lost 2.1 million registered voters across 30 states, while Republicans gained in each one, according to a New York Times look at L2 data. By mid-2025, the gap widened again, with 160,000 fewer Democrats and 200,000 more Republicans nationwide. High-profile switches added drama.

California state Sen. Marie Alvarado-Gil, elected as a Democrat in 2022, joined the GOP in 2024, blasting her former party’s “leadership and policies” as out of step with her district. In Florida, two House Democrats, Susan Valdes and Hillary Casel, crossed over after the election, padding the GOP’s supermajority.

This is not a trickle. Ballotpedia counts 92 state lawmakers shifting from Democrat to Republican since 1994, with a spike in 2024 and 2025. Many moderates cite cultural battles as the breaking point, from expansive DEI mandates to gender-affirming care for minors. “I didn’t leave the Democrats; they left me,” said a Pennsylvania steelworker in American Bridge focus groups. Gallup’s 2025 data shows young men moving right by 16 points since 2008, pulled by GOP talk on jobs and security.

This migration looks less like betrayal and more like self-preservation. Republicans, recast under Trump as the party of “forgotten Americans,” offer a clear pitch. Cut taxes, enforce the law, and put the country first without pronoun lectures. As one former Democrat in Ohio said, “The GOP feels like it remembers what a paycheck means.” The tent that once fit many now leans hard, pushing out the pragmatists who once won swing races.

CNN’s Verdict: A Voter Bloodletting in Black and White

CNN’s numbers capture the slide in brutal detail. In March 2025, CNN’s SSRS survey put Democratic favorability at 29 percent, the lowest since 1992. Only 63 percent of Democrats viewed their own party positively, down from 81 percent in 2021. By July, favorability fell to 28 percent, a slight drop from March’s record low, as anger over inflation and the border mounted.

These are not abstract figures. They show open revolt. In January 2025, CNN found 57 percent of Democrats calling for major change, citing leaders as “out of touch” and too weak against Republicans. Among working-class voters who left, 65 percent blamed economic neglect.

An NBC poll around the same time pinned overall favorability at 27 percent, the lowest since the 1990s. Frustration runs deep inside the base. A Quinnipiac survey found 49 percent of Democrats disapproved of Congress, a sign of a party turning on itself.

The demographic shifts are explosive. Voters under 50, who backed Biden by 17 points in 2020, gave Harris only a 7-point edge in 2024, according to Pew. About 8 percent flipped to Trump. Latino men moved away by double digits, tired of identity lectures while bills pile up. CNN’s polling points to a stark risk. Keep bleeding like this, and the party becomes a regional force, locked in urban strongholds while the rest of the map turns red.

Beyond the Rainbow: The Backlash Against Identity Overload

At the core of the rift sits identity politics fatigue. What began as fair civil rights goals, from affirmative action to LGBTQ+ protections, now feels like a consuming fixation. Voters say it looks performative and out of touch. A 2025 Economist/YouGov poll found 57 percent supported laws that require IDs to list birth sex, not gender identity.

Republicans were twice as likely as Democrats to back parental vetoes on youth transitions. PRRI’s American Values Survey showed 47 percent opposed bans on gender-affirming care, but 57 percent favoured birth-sex markers on IDs. That mix points to a public ready for moderation.

Voters are not rejecting progress. They are tired of its weaponization. In focus groups, working-class swing voters across races slammed Democrats for chasing “D.E.I. hires” while ignoring shop floors and paychecks.

A Harvard Youth Poll showed ideology drives views more than gender, with 46 percent of young Republicans, men and women alike, citing “women’s promiscuity” as a social problem. The 19th News poll found most men prefer traditional roles, while women are split, widening a gender gap that helped Harris with young women by 12 points over young men.

This looks less like backlash and more like burnout. Republicans spent about $100 million on transgender-focused ads in 2024. Those ads alone did not decide races, but they reinforced a storyline. Democrats care more about pronouns than paychecks.

As one Rust Belt voter told NPR, “They fight for everyone but us.” Talk of intersectionality, where race, gender, and class stack into grievance, leaves moderates muttering about “reverse discrimination.” With inflation hitting 40-year highs, many see all of this as tone-deaf, even insulting.

Power Plays: When Elites Eclipse the Electorate

Underneath the policy fights sits a deeper problem. Party leaders, sealed in the Beltway, look more focused on political comfort than public pain. Sen. Chuck Schumer’s shrug that “Trump will screw up,” and Rep. Hakeem Jeffries’ talk of “no leverage,” sound like surrender, not leadership. A February 2025 survey found only 22 percent of Democrats think Congress stands up to Trump enough. Nearly half faulted Democrats in Congress for poor performance.

Voters sense self-interest. American Bridge’s $4.5 million “Working Class Project” surfaced a stinging belief. “Democrats don’t care about people like me; their first goal is other groups.” Many see a pattern. From the messy Afghanistan exit to evasive messaging on transgender issues, insiders come first, while everyday concerns wait. Progressives like Pramila Jayapal blast corporate donors, yet the DNC’s biggest backers, from tech to Hollywood, still shape the agenda.

The twist is bitter. A party built to lift the powerless now seems to protect its own standing. That alienates the people who once carried it to victory. Gov. Josh Shapiro warned that Democrats fail “to address real concerns,” preferring social media spats over town halls. In focus groups, former Democrats praise a GOP that “fights for Americans instead of everybody else.” Power became the goal. That swap has cost the party its core identity.

Toward a Republican Renaissance? The Common-Sense Counterrevolution

As Democrats stumble, Republicans polish a “common sense” brand. It sounds practical and feels familiar in places where progressive talk falls flat. Trump’s 2024 gains with non-college voters, up 8 points per Pew, were no fluke. They reflected a promise to focus on paychecks, borders, and crime. The GOP platform kept purity tests light and tax relief front and center, pulling moderates toward it.

This is not blind loyalty to Trump. It reflects backlash to the Democratic drift. A POLITICO review found Democrats underwater with their own voters on congressional approval for the first time. People want pushback without chaos.

Republicans see the opening and move to fill it. They court young men on podcasts like Joe Rogan’s, show up at factories, and stress work and order. “The damage is profound,” said one Democratic strategist. The party’s “broken image” hands the story to Republicans, who sell repair instead of revolution.

There is still room to recover. A Gallup plurality of Democrats, 45 percent, wants moderation. That is a clear banner to rally around. To be competitive in the 2026 midterms, Democrats need to drop purity tests, refocus on wages, prices, and safety, and remember this simple rule. Voters want public servants, not saviours. Until then, the Republican “common sense” tide keeps rising, and a once-dominant party risks slipping into the margins.

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California Governor Under Fire as Court Freezes Housing Rule

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California Governor Under Fire as Court Freezes Housing Rule

SACRAMENTO – California Governor Gavin Newsom is facing a new round of pushback after a state appellate court ruling that pauses parts of local rent control enforcement. Housing advocates, tenant groups, and political rivals say the decision adds more confusion to California’s housing affordability crisis; at the same time, rents keep climbing in major cities like Los Angeles, San Francisco, and San Diego.

The ruling comes out of a long-running case brought by the California Apartment Association (CAA) against Pasadena’s rent stabilization ordinance. At the center is a set of landlord duties tied to rent increases, including required relocation assistance in certain cases.

The court order blocks some of those requirements when they apply to units that are exempt from local rent limits. Critics say that it undercuts tenant protections when many renters already feel squeezed.

In late December 2025, the California Court of Appeals agreed with the CAA on key issues. The court said a city can’t require relocation payments that are triggered by lawful rent increases on housing that is exempt from those rent controls under state law. That includes certain newer buildings and many single-family homes.

Even though this case focuses on Pasadena, the impact could spread. Other cities, including Los Angeles, have rules that connect relocation benefits to rent increases. The decision puts those policies under pressure and brings the ongoing tension into focus, local tenant protections on one side and state preemption rules on the other.

Newsom has long positioned himself as supportive of renters. He signed the Tenant Protection Act (AB 1482) in 2019, which created statewide limits on rent increases for many units and added just-cause eviction rules.

Now critics argue his broader approach, including efforts to boost housing supply near transit, hasn’t kept up with legal challenges and local resistance. Tenant advocates see the ruling as a sign that rent stability tools are getting weaker. Landlord groups call it a needed check on city overreach that can discourage rental housing investment.

Who Gains and Who Gets Hit in California

Winners: Landlords and property owners in strict rent control cities

Landlords, especially in cities with stronger local rent control rules, appear to benefit most. By limiting relocation assistance requirements tied to rent hikes on exempt units, the ruling can lower costs for property owners.

The CAA, which represents apartment owners and managers, praised the decision as a win for property rights. Small and mid-sized landlords may also see it as relief, after years of COVID-era restrictions and rising costs for insurance, repairs, and maintenance.

Losers: Renters facing higher rents and fewer relocation supports

Renters in affected cities could lose an important safety net. In Los Angeles, where average rents have risen in recent months, and vacancies remain tight, tenants may see fewer relocation benefits when rent increases push them out of a unit that’s exempt from local limits.

Tenant groups say the decision chips away at protections shaped by the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act and AB 1482. AB 1482 limits annual rent increases for covered units to 5 percent plus local inflation, up to a maximum of 10 percent.

Many homes are already exempt, including newer construction and many single-family properties. Critics worry the ruling invites more legal attacks on local tenant safeguards.

Why Critics Say This Could Make Housing Less Affordable

Progressive housing groups and some Democratic lawmakers argue the ruling could speed up displacement in places where rents already outpace wage growth. They point to research and local experience that weaker tenant protections often line up with more forced moves and higher rent burdens.

They also argue that without strong relocation requirements, landlords may have an easier path to move out long-term tenants and reset rents closer to market rates. Over time, that can shrink the supply of lower-cost rentals.

The timing adds to the concern. Efforts to expand statewide rent protections have struggled. Assembly Bill 1157, which would have lowered the rent cap to 5 percent total (2 percent plus inflation), extended protections to more single-family homes and accessory dwelling units, and removed AB 1482’s 2030 sunset, did not move forward in early 2026 after earlier setbacks.

Voters have also rejected broader rent control expansions through Proposition 10 (2018), Proposition 21 (2020), and Proposition 33 (2024), making major changes harder to pass.

Rents Keep Climbing in Los Angeles, San Francisco, and Beyond

Rent pressure hasn’t eased. In Los Angeles, some local adjustments are set to lower caps to 4 percent in certain cases starting February 2026, but in many counties, rent increases are still approaching AB 1482 limits. San Francisco and Oakland have also reported higher rents, tied to limited new construction, a rebound in parts of the tech economy, and continued investor activity.

Newsom highlighted some of those issues in his January 2026 State of the State address. He proposed steps aimed at corporate landlords and large investor purchases of single-family homes, including possible new rules to curb institutional buying.

Critics say the court ruling lands in the middle of a tough cycle. If investor rules tighten, some argue that new supply could slow. If local protections weaken at the same time, renters could be exposed to more risk.

What Could Happen Next in the Pasadena Case

The Pasadena dispute may not be over. While the appellate court ruled for the CAA on major points, the case could still move to the California Supreme Court. As of now, no further appeal has been filed.

The bigger story may be what follows in other cities. The ruling may encourage landlord groups to challenge local ordinances that collide with state law. Tenant organizations may respond with their own legal efforts or push lawmakers to clarify what cities can require around relocation assistance.

Possible Policy Paths for Newsom and State Lawmakers

Newsom and the Legislature still have options to support renters without inviting more legal setbacks. Possible approaches include:

  • Tougher enforcement of AB 1482, backed by clearer rules and more funding for tenant legal aid.
  • New limits on large corporate ownership, including tax changes or restrictions aimed at entities that own thousands of homes.
  • Faster housing production near transit, including policies tied to SB 79, which expands transit-oriented development allowances starting mid-2026, even as some local leaders push back.
  • Local incentives for affordable housing, using targeted exemptions or funding to help add below-market units and reduce rent pressure.

Big changes remain difficult in a divided political environment, especially after multiple statewide votes rejected rent control expansion.

What Renters and Landlords Should Track in the Next Few Weeks

For renters

Pay close attention to rent increase notices, especially in February and March 2026, when many annual adjustments take effect. Watch for changes to relocation benefits in places like Pasadena and Los Angeles. Tenant groups recommend keeping records of landlord messages and getting legal help if rent increases appear to exceed AB 1482 limits or if an eviction looks improper. It’s also smart to follow any emergency action from the governor tied to corporate ownership.

For landlords

Continue to follow AB 1482 rules and any new 2026 requirements, including updates tied to habitability and property standards such as working appliances (AB 628) and disaster cleanup responsibilities (SB 610). Track any appeals in the Pasadena case and watch for copycat challenges that could affect relocation obligations across California. Property managers should also stay alert for new proposals tied to rent cap extensions or corporate landlord rules.

California’s housing crisis isn’t slowing down. With homelessness still high and many families leaving expensive areas, this court ruling highlights the fragile balance between tenant protections and property rights. How Newsom responds, through policy changes, enforcement, or new housing proposals, will shape what affordability looks like for millions of renters in 2026.

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Trump Declares ‘Globalization Is Over!’ – The Globalist Dream Dies at Davos

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Trump Declares 'Globalization Is Over

DAVOS – In a scene that rattled the calm, polished mood of the World Economic Forum, President Donald J. Trump delivered a clear break with the post-Cold War global order. Speaking in Davos in January 2026, he returned to the mountain gathering with a blunt claim: the globalist project didn’t work for the people it promised to serve.

For years, many political and media voices treated borders as outdated, national identity as a problem to solve, and mass migration as proof of progress. Offshoring was sold as harmless, energy reliance was brushed aside, and social unity often came last behind economic theory. Trump’s message pushed back hard, saying the West is done chasing that promise.

The setting made the contrast sharper. Davos, with its luxury chalets and private jets, usually runs on polite talk about shared goals and global cooperation. Trump arrived with an unfiltered America First pitch.

Tariffs are back. Borders are back. Energy independence is back. And the idea that ordinary workers should pay the price for global integration is under open challenge.

The Globalist Promise, and the Backlash

For decades, leaders across much of the West sold globalization as a rising tide. Trade deals spread, supply chains stretched across continents, and borders were treated more like obstacles than protections.

Public officials and policy experts said moving factories to lower-cost countries would lower prices, while immigration would drive innovation and strengthen aging economies. Energy supply was expected to sort itself out through markets. Social strain from fast demographic change was often dismissed as temporary.

Many communities experienced something else. In parts of the American Rust Belt, in Britain’s post-industrial towns, and across Europe, people watched plants shut down and wages stall. Some areas faced growing tension tied to migration levels that outpaced local capacity to absorb change. The biggest wins often landed in large coastal cities, tech corridors, and finance centers. Smaller towns and working-class regions carried more of the disruption.

That gap between promise and daily life helped fuel public anger. Rising populism didn’t appear out of nowhere. It followed years of frustration over lost jobs, weakened local institutions, and a sense that leaders listened more to global conferences than to their own voters.

Trump used his Davos appearance to name that divide in plain terms. GB News reported that he “terrified” the room by saying globalisation is over. His core point was that the globalist experiment failed on multiple fronts.

He tied it to economic damage from hollowed-out industry, social stress from weakened community ties, and cultural strain from eroded national identity. In its place, he argued for basics that governments once treated as normal: protect key jobs, control borders, and stop depending on foreign energy suppliers.

Trump Tariffs, Border Control, and Energy Security

A major part of Trump’s message focused on tariffs as a tool of national policy. For years, free-trade advocates treated tariffs as outdated and harmful. Trump framed them as a way to protect domestic industry, especially when competing nations subsidize production or tilt the field through currency practices.

His approach signals less interest in the old WTO-style mindset and more interest in deals where the United States pushes its own terms.

Border enforcement also took center stage. For a long time, mass migration was described as both inevitable and good. Those who raised concerns about integration, wage pressure, or cultural cohesion were often labeled intolerant and shut down.

Trump’s position puts sovereignty back at the front, saying nations have the right and the duty to decide who enters, how many, and under what rules. He presents it as self-defense, not isolation.

Energy independence formed the third pillar. Trump argued that heavy reliance on foreign oil and gas leaves economies exposed, especially when hostile governments can squeeze supplies or influence prices.

His push for domestic production includes support for drilling, pipelines, and other sources that reduce dependence. The message was simple: energy security comes first, and policy should protect households and businesses from price shocks and foreign pressure.

How Davos Reacted, and What It Could Mean

The crowd in Davos is used to smoother language about “stakeholder capitalism” and broad cooperation. Trump’s tone landed differently. Some European leaders warned about the risks of trade conflict. Others appeared more cautious, as if they recognized the shift but didn’t want to say so publicly.

GB News commentator Matthew Goodwin highlighted the moment by saying Trump “said the quiet part out loud,” pointing to economic, social, and cultural failures tied to the globalist model. That framing captures why the speech drew attention beyond the room.

In the United States, the address reinforced Trump’s support among voters who feel left behind by past trade and immigration policy. It also raised alarms for corporate leaders tied to global supply chains and for political figures who still favor the older consensus.

Abroad, it added pressure on allies who were used to Washington defending the liberal international order as a top priority.

Trump’s Davos message signals a turning point, whether supporters cheer it or critics fear it. It puts more focus on re-shoring industry, tightening immigration rules, and treating energy security as a national interest rather than an afterthought.

The broader direction is still forming, but the speech made one thing clear: the elite agreement that carried globalization for decades is no longer holding.

For many people in struggling regions and overlooked towns, that shift feels overdue. It suggests that leaders may start measuring success less by abstract models and more by real wages, stable communities, and national resilience.

Whether the change brings renewed prosperity or new friction will play out over time. Still, Davos 2026 is likely to be remembered as a moment when the West’s guiding economic story faced a direct challenge.

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Democrats Join Republicans to Advance Contempt Resolution Against Bill Clinton

Nine Democrats Buck Leadership on Epstein-Related Measure, Showing Growing Tensions Over Openness and Accountability

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Contempt Resolution Against Bill Clinton, Democrats

WASHINGTON.D.C. – House Oversight and Government Reform Committee Democrats split sharply on Wednesday as nearly half of them joined Republicans to advance a resolution recommending former President Bill Clinton be held in contempt of Congress.

The committee vote passed 34-8, with two members voting “present.” The move follows Clinton’s refusal to sit for a closed-door deposition after the committee issued a subpoena tied to its continuing review of Jeffrey Epstein’s network and how federal authorities handled related matters.

In a separate vote, the committee also advanced a contempt resolution involving former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. That measure moved forward 28-15, with three Democrats crossing the aisle. Still, the broader Democratic support for the Bill Clinton resolution pointed to rising frustration, even inside the party, over what critics call resistance to cooperation in a case that has held public attention for years.

Chairman James Comer (R-Ky.) called the vote a win for accountability. “Republicans and Democrats on the House Oversight Committee acted today to hold former President Bill Clinton in contempt of Congress for willfully defying lawful and bipartisan subpoenas,” Comer said in a statement.

“By voting to hold the Clintons in contempt, the Committee sent a clear message: no one is above the law, and justice must be applied equally, regardless of position, pedigree, or prestige.”

Bill Clinton  Linked to Epstein

Republicans issued the subpoenas late last year as part of a wider inquiry into Epstein’s sex trafficking operation, his ties to influential people, and claimed breakdowns in federal oversight. Bill Clinton has been linked to Epstein for years because flight logs show Clinton traveled on Epstein’s private jet multiple times in the early 2000s. Clinton has repeatedly said he had no knowledge of, or involvement in, Epstein’s crimes.

Lawyers for the Clintons offered limited cooperation, including written answers or a private meeting in New York with only the chair and ranking member present. Comer dismissed those offers as unacceptable, saying they would amount to special treatment. “They believe their last name entitles them to special treatment,” Comer said before the vote.

House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) worked to line up votes against the resolutions, but nine Democrats still supported the Bill Clinton measure: Reps. Maxwell Frost (Fla.), Raja Krishnamoorthi (Ill.), Summer Lee (Pa.), Stephen Lynch (Mass.), Ayanna Pressley (Mass.), Emily Randall (Wash.), Lateefah Simon (Calif.), Melanie Stansbury (N.M.), and Rashida Tlaib (Mich.). Several of those votes came from the progressive wing, including Pressley, Lee, and Tlaib, signaling that some members prioritized openness in the Epstein matter over party unity.

On the Hillary Clinton resolution, only three Democrats sided with Republicans: Stansbury, Lee, and Tlaib. That smaller break showed stronger support among Democrats for her position.

Ranking Member Robert Garcia (D-Calif.) and other Democrats who opposed the measures argued the investigation has turned political. They pointed to unredacted Epstein files and said the contempt push looked like payback.

Strain Inside the Democratic Party

Some Democrats also suggested holding Attorney General Pam Bondi in contempt over claims that documents were being withheld. During a tense markup session broadcast live on C-SPAN, members traded sharp remarks, with one Democrat calling the effort “political score-settling.”

Democrats who broke ranks said the Epstein case demands fuller disclosure and real accountability. “Transparency matters more than protecting past leaders,” said a source close to the progressive wing, speaking anonymously.

Next, both resolutions move to the full House for a floor vote expected in the coming weeks. If the House approves them, the matter would be referred to the Department of Justice for possible criminal prosecution.

That process can carry penalties of up to $100,000 in fines or up to one year in jail. With Republicans controlling the House and a Trump administration DOJ, passage appears likely, though any effort to enforce contempt against a former president would be uncharted territory.

Political observers say the vote highlights real strain inside the Democratic Party. Younger and more progressive lawmakers appear more willing to step away from the Clinton era, as public pressure for answers in the Epstein case continues. Bill Clinton, now 79, has kept a lower profile in recent years and has focused on work tied to the Clinton Foundation.

Full House to Vote

Hillary Clinton’s team called the proceedings “a partisan witch hunt” in a short statement. Representatives for Bill Clinton repeated his earlier denials of wrongdoing connected to Epstein.

As the resolutions advance, the episode shows how older controversies can return with new momentum. The Epstein investigation, stirred again by recent document releases, has pulled in other major names and also fueled conspiracy theories across the political spectrum.

If the full House votes to hold Bill Clinton in contempt, it would be the first referral of its kind against a former president in the modern era. Legal experts say contempt referrals are unusual and often symbolic, but a DOJ that wants to pursue the case could raise the stakes.

For Democrats, the split adds pressure heading into the midterms and raises fresh questions about party discipline under Jeffries. Republicans, meanwhile, cast the vote as proof they support equal justice and holding powerful figures accountable.

The House floor debate is likely to be heated, and it could force more Democrats to choose between standing with party figures and backing demands for answers in one of the country’s most persistent controversies.

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